tan, and Affghanistan, during 1839, 1840, 1841, 1842, and 1843, under Generals Lord Keane, Brooks, Sir R. Sale, Wiltshire, Pollock, Nott, Eng- land, McKaskill, and Sir C. Napier; by J. H. W. Hall, author of "Ethaldi ;" "the Outcast;" Deserters," &c. &c. Montreal and London, 1848 2. Narrative of services in Beluchistan and Affghanistan, in the years 1840, 1841 and 1842; by Colonel Lewis Robert Stacy, C. B., Bengal Native Infantry, A. D. C. to Her Majesty; employed on special ser- 1. Post Office Reform-Its importance and practicability. 2. The Post Circular. Nos. I. to 3. Reports from the Select Committee on Postage; toge- ther with the Minutes of Evidence and Appendices. Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed. 10. Reports to the Chambre de Deputés, by M. M. Chéga- ray (1844), Vuitry (1846), and Emile de Girardin 11. Articles on Indian Postage Reform, published in 1846, 1847 and 1848, by the Friend of India, the Bengal Hurkaru, the Calcutta Englishman, the Calcutta Star, the Eastern Star, the Delhi Gazette, the Mo- ib. MISCELLANEOUS CRITICAL NOTICES. 1. Historical and Statistical Sketches of Aden in Arabia 2. The Cornet's Assistant, by M. J. Turnbull, Lieut. 7th XXV XXX 3. The Bhagavat-Gita, or Dialogues of Krishna and ERRATA IN No. XVIII., ART. I. "CORRIE AND HIS COTEMPORARIES." Page 269, line 9, for "closed their own when that was vacant," read "closed their Page 273, note, for "second of his Indian Recreations," read "second volume of Page 282 line 25, for "returned to his house," read "returned to his home." Page 284, line 10, for brightened up many a dreamy hearth," read "brightened imbibed in the early youth,” read “ imbibed in early youth.” Page 293, line 26, for "varying shapes," read " varying shades." Page 303, for the officers at the station had much more piety than the men," read At page 311, line 9, for" Mr. Thomason," read" Mrs. Thomason." THE CALCUTTA REVIEW. 1. Prinsep's Runjit Singh. 2. Thomson's Gazetteer. THE advantages of the rule of the Company over that of any Native Potentate, be he who he may-Hindu or Mahommedan-an upstart of yesterday, as Runjit Singh of Lahore, or the descendant of a royal line, coeval with the world, as the Rajputs of Rajpútana-a young, foolish and licentious profligate, or a prudent and experienced ruler-are so constantly quoted by British officials, British historians and the public in general, that it appears an admitted fact, upon which any further superstructure of argument may be built. Some soothing and flattering allusions to the benefits of English rule are generally found at the close of divisional reports submitted for the consideration of Government, or transmission to the Home Authorities; while the general idea is prevalent, that under native rule rapine and anarchy are rampant, that the poor have no remedy from petty exaction, and the rich no security for their ill-gotten treasures. There are some, however, who have gone on a contrary tack; and whether from pique, or prejudice, have endeavoured to give the Native system a preference over that introduced by the European they have painted in glowing colours the satisfaction felt by the people in being ruled over by indigenous Sovereigns, the greater outlet afforded for indigenous talent, crushed under the other system by the influence of strangers. They maintain that justice, though less ostentatiously brought to notice, is administered more completely, and more effectively by judges capable of entering into the feelings of the disputants, and from whom the real merits of the case cannot remain concealed; the charge of rapine against the Native princes as a system they deny, and, if occasional instances do occur, they consider such individual cases of suffering in the one system more than set off by the vexatious and expensive law delays, the tyranny of the Police, and the exhausting drain of the Revenue, in the other. Arguers of this class stand upon no ceremony in their illustrations, and quote B decisions of the Sudder Adalut, or Supreme Court, to palliate as it were, acts of downright wanton extortion on the part of some of the worst Native princes: their argument seems to be, that the seeds of oppression and injury lie at the roots of society, that it matters little whether the fruit developes itself in the oppressive, though formal, working of a Revenue Regulation, or the indiscriminate exchequer-filling of a rapacious Dewan. Truth lies, as is usually the case, in the middle; we cannot assent to the doctrine of the early Anglo-Indian legislator, that the introduction of our system is the sure forerunner of inestimable blessings, which cannot exist otherwise on a native soil, nor can we subscribe to the doctrine advanced by the other rection. Absolute irresponsible power without checks other than the armed resistance of an outraged people, without limits other than the forbearance of an half-educated, pampered despot, never can form the basis of good Government in any country, or under any circumstances. There are advantages to be traced by a close observer in both systems; and neither of them can be so extravagantly good or bad, in all instances, as their supporters or maligners would pretend : if Native Governments are so bad, so boundlessly oppressive, how is it that their subjects are content to wear out their existence in such misery, and do not emigrate into the more favoured districts immediately adjoining? If the Anglo-Indian system is so excellent, how is it that room is daily found for such striking and palpable improvements, as are from time to time promulgated? The whole system of our Indian legislation has been a course of experiment, and can we wonder that the patient should have sometimes suffered under the hand of the novice ? Each measure, that has been successively enforced, bears the stamp of the age, and the individual. In introducing our earliest measures we have rarely been free agents, and they bear consequently always the indications of hastiness, and are of a tendency both narrow and temporary. We have attempted also to graft upon an Asiatic and most imperfect stock the intricate machinery of an European procedure, when it would have been better to have introduced an entirely new system, adapting the principles of a tried and approved code to the wants of a population three hundred years behind us in civilization. If the complaint can be made against a Native Government of a want of law, it may with greater truth be urged against us, that we are borne down by an excess of law, which few from among ourselves perfectly comprehend, and which to the Natives of India bear so awful and perplexing a form, that they become in practice worse than the most oppressive of their former tyrannies. In weighing the advantages and disadvantages of the system, the Natives of India have to thank the Anglo-Indian Government for two substantial blessings, which no Native Government was ever strong, or liberal enough entirely to bestow:-a freedom from the invasion of foreign foes, and the overrunning of foreign armies, and an undisturbed profession of religious tenets and observances. These, however, are blessings, which are never fully estimated by a generation, which has never experienced the misery of their absence: they can only be appreciated by those who have seen their houses plundered by marching armies, or their temples defiled, and Ministers tortured for the profession of their ancestral faith: these advantages are admitted by all, and the Native system has nothing on its own side to balance such substantial blessings; but on minor points the matter must still remain a drawn question, the opinion of each varying, as the party is influenced by prejudice or favour. It rarely now falls to the opportunity of Europeans to see fully into the internal workings of a Native Government, and to watch how far the interests of Society are affected thereby. Wherever the European moves, he carries with him his cloud of prejudices to obstruct his vision: and, wherever the AngloIndian takes up his position, the same circle is woven round him, whether he be at Calcutta or Kabul: he introduces the same machinery, and brings into action the same inflexible and uncompromising laws, beyond which he deems it impossible to exist. Before this formidable array all Native customs fade away, and are forgotten, and the change is so complete and final, that it would appear that no Government had previously existed at all, that anterior to the date of the cession or conquest all was one great blank-a chaos of atoms, from which the creative energy of the first Government official had brought into existence the present political world. Yet such is not the case. Whatever may be the faults of Native Governments, they are elaborate in some of their details, though found wanting in others: they are profuse in their display though behind us in the progress of civilization, they are by no means tyros in the art of Government, and can talk as largely of the administration of justice, both technically and practically, and the advantages of good and evil Government:but, having no fixed system, and preserving no records, having no literature at command, the effects are ephemeral, and perish with the power of the Government, which gave them birth, and contrary to the oft-repeated moral in civilized countries, that the good man dies, but his memory lives after him. Such is not generally the case: a good Governor is but vaguely remembered |