Puslapio vaizdai
PDF
„ePub“

MONEY IN PRACTICAL POLITICS.

[graphic]

ERHAPS no field offers a better opportunity for the study of human nature than that of practical politics. No man better understands the motives that guide men in daily life than the politician; and no man uses this knowledge to accomplish his own purposes with greater skill than he.

By the ordinary citizen of the educated class, the practical politician is thought to be a man who, though sometimes perhaps having good intentions, is nevertheless led by selfish motives, in the main, to do selfish, corrupt, and dishonest deeds. In his own eyes, the practical politician of the higher grade is a patriotic citizen working for the good of a party upon the success of which depends the welfare of the country. He feels in many cases that he is driven to acts which to him are unpleasant; which are, perhaps, on the whole unfortunate for the country, but which, under the circumstances, are still a stern necessity. To be sure, among the "workers" will be found many who care neither for country nor party, nor even for leader, though that is rare; but in the higher ranks the proportion of the consciously dishonest, although possibly larger than that of the same class among merchants or lawyers, is still small. Most of our office-holders in the higher legislative and executive positions are at bottom as honest, hard-working, and selfsacrificing as men of other classes. The "submerged tenth" have dragged the reputations of their fellow-politicians lower than truth would permit us to declare their characters to be. These differences of opinion with reference to the character of the practical politician come largely from lack of knowledge on the part of the public as to the circumstances in which the politician is placed, and as to the pressure that is brought to bear upon him, as well as from ignorance of the amount of excellent self-sacrificing work that he really does.

Our Government is said to be one founded upon public influence guided by public opinion. There can be little question that all reforms must come from demands of the public; but unless the people are well informed as to the exact condition of affairs, they cannot act with intelligence. At the present time there is a great outcry against corruption in elections, and the selfish acts of the practical politicians as shown therein, and a demand that these

abuses be done away with. The demand is most certainly a worthy one; but it comes in good part from men who, though honest and well intentioned, do not begin to appreciate the real state of affairs, and who, consequently, too often suggest remedies for the abuses that are utterly impracticable, and which in many cases would do more harm than good. When the people really see things as they are, know what ought to be done, and demand that action be taken, the politician will be ready and prompt to act. The politician cannot act until he feels that public opinion is with him; his business, in fact, and in justice too in the main, is not to guide public opinion, but to follow it. He may help to create and guide public opinion, but that duty is equally incumbent upon lawyers, preachers, teachers, and all good and intelligent citizens. We need to distinguish in this regard the reformer, and even the statesman, from the politician. It is the business of the politician, and the business is a worthy one, to care for the interests of his party, and thereby, as it appears to him, for the interests of the state; and his party interests cannot be cared for unless he follows public opinion. To the politician also "the public " means, not merely the educated or the good citizens, but all citizens who have votes. If, then, we expect the politician to change his methods of action, we must in some way bring it about that by the change more votes will be gained to the party in power than will be lost.

A politician knows very well that he does many things that are condemned by the most enlightened consciences; he does many things that to himself are disagreeable, and that trouble even his well-trained conscience; but, as has been said, to him these acts are necessary, and he does them as other good people do necessary but unpleasant tasks. When he can be made to see that it will be better, not for himself personally, but for the success of the party,which, let me repeat, to him means the good of the country,-to change the methods of conducting elections, nobody will be more ready to change than he. Indeed, as vote-buying is in reality a very unpleasant business for many of our most influential politicians,- so much so that many of them, while directing it, will never themselves take any part in it,-no one will work more actively to make this practice unnecessary than will they, if it can be clearly shown. that a change to a better system of carrying elections is practicable.

Now nothing can be done that will have more influence in bringing together the opinions of the practical politicians, and of the citizens who are not in politics, than a candid statement of the real conditions under which elections are carried. The objectors to the present methods of work will then see the circumstances under which the politician acts, will be better able to see some remedy that can be suggested for the present state of things, and thus will be enabled to help the politician into better methods of political work.

PARTY ORGANIZATION.

PERHAPS the most important duty of the politician, under our present system, is to make nominations; but passing that by, and assuming that the nominations have already been made, let us see how the politician goes to work to carry an election. The first essential condition to success in a campaign is thorough party organization. We often use the word organization without fully realizing what thorough organization means. The "blocks-of-five" letter that was so much denounced in the campaign of 1888, while bad enough in intent from the standpoint of an honest citizen, was, nevertheless, in many respects, a very sensible, wise letter from the standpoint of practical working methods. From the standpoint of a "worker," the main objection to it was that it was entirely unnecessary to take so much risk as the writing of the letter involved. Probably in the whole State of Indiana there were few places where the organization was not as complete as that recommended in the famous letter.

As I write, I have before me some pages from the poll-books and check-books of one of the county committees in the State of New York. Before registration day a thorough canvass is made of each election district. The names of all of the voters are arranged in these poll-books alphabetically. After the column of names comes a series of columns headed, respectively, Republican, Democrat, Prohibition, Doubtful, Post-office Address, Occupation, and Remarks. Each voter's address is taken, and opposite his name is placed a mark in the proper column showing whether he is a regular Republican, a Democrat, or a Prohibition voter, or whether he is to be considered a "doubtful." After registration day, each man who registers has his name checked in the pollbook, so that the committees of both parties have a complete list of all those entitled to vote in each district. From this book, then, a checkbook is prepared. In this second book, if I take as an example the check-book of the Republican party, on each page will be arranged in the first place, alphabetically, the names of

all the Republicans in the district; then in a column below, or on another page, all those that are considered doubtful; that is, those whose politics are not known, and those whose votes it is thought possible to bring to the Republican party either by persuasion or by purchase. The Democratic committees have books similarly arranged, with the names of all the sound Democrats and of the "doubtfuls."

In some places the prices that are paid from year to year are entered, usually, perhaps, as in the case of an acquaintance of mine in Michigan, by a private mark. Such entries depend upon the care and skill of the individual "worker." They are not very common, and really seem unnecessary. The memories of the "workers" will serve as long as it is necessary; and they do not care to keep historical records, interesting and valuable as such records would be.

On election day, then, it is an easy matter for the poll-book holder, standing by the polls, to check the name of every reliable party man as he comes to vote, and near the end of the day to find out how many men of his own party have not yet voted. He can then readily send a messenger to bring in any late or careless voters, the character of whose votes is not doubtful. The workers of each party, having thus a complete list of all doubtful or purchasable voters, will know how to handle them.

These doubtful voters will not be divided carelessly into "blocks-of-five and each block put into the hands of a trusty man," but each doubtful voter, being known, with his habits, his work, his associates, is considered individually. If he is one whose vote can be affected by honest persuasion, the man in the party who would be likely to have the most influence with him is selected to work with him, and to influence his vote by fair means, if possible. If he is a man whose vote must be purchased, he will be assigned to the worker who can purchase him to the best advantage. If the number of "floaters," or commercials," as they are variously called, is relatively large to the number of workers, it may well be that they will have to be purchased in blocks of fives or blocks of tens; or, again, owing to social reasons, they at times can best be bought in groups, or clubs, or traded; but in all cases where the best work is done, each individual "floater," whether bought singly or as one of a group, is looked after personally by the man best competent to handle him.

66

Sometimes, especially where vote-buying has not been very common, it requires much skill and tact to handle these "commercials" to the best advantage. Your "float" is at times a sensitive, proud creature, patriotic to a degree. He votes, forsooth, with his party, as an

[ocr errors]

honest man should. But if, perchance, he can be made to believe that his own party "workers' distrust him, that his name, for example, has appeared on their check-books in the doubtful column, his wrath is enkindled, and his political enemy gets his vote on easy terms. And, again, he often feels it right to desert his party's candidate, unless he is paid as much money as the opposition will give. On equal terms he will vote with his party; but surely his vote is worth as much to his candidate as to the other, and why should he not get some money as long as there seems to be plenty to spare? He needs it more than do the candidates who furnished it. As a rule, however, a "floater" gets less for voting with his own party than with the enemy; and the regular "floater" is not sensitive, but may be approached directly and bargained with.

CAMPAIGN FUNDS.

A NECESSARY preliminary to the work on election day is the securing of election funds. Of course, there are many legitimate expenses in an election; the printing of tickets in ordinary cases, the hiring of campaign speakers and the payment of their expenses, the rent of halls, the printing of campaign literature, the purchase of torches and uniforms for processions, if such be considered necessary, etc. But after all, in close campaigns in doubtful districts, by far the largest part of the funds goes for the direct or indirect purchase of voters. How are these funds raised? The facts that follow are not mere guesses. The information in all cases is thoroughly trustworthy, though I am not at liberty to give names, and in many places it would be unwise to mention localities exactly. But in all instances cited the statements are trustworthy.

Of course the first, and in most cases the chief, source of revenue is the assessment of candidates. The amount of these assessments varies in different localities and under different circumstances. A common assessment in Illinois, for example, in districts that are not considered especially doubtful in ordinary elections, is five per cent. of the annual salary; and it is expected that all candidates, unless there is some special reason for exception, will pay this assessment. However, it not infrequently happens that the most valuable candidate for the party is a poor man who is unable to pay the regular assessment. In that case, the committee, taking all the circumstances into account, ask him to pay what seems reasonable, or he may be even entirely exempted from assessment, as in the case of a crippled candidate for county recorder in Indiana in 1890. A wealthy candidate, who can well afford to pay more, is sometimes assessed a lump sum with

out any especial reference to the salary that he is to receive if elected.

In national elections local county committees expect to receive money also from the national committee, usually through the hands of the state committee. In the campaign of 1888 the Republican committee in one county of Indiana received $800 from the state committee, which they supposed, as a matter of course, came from the national committee.

In the campaign of 1880, in that same State, the two leading county managers of one of the parties went to Indianapolis and met there a representative from the national committee. They went to his room in the hotel to talk with him regarding funds. When he asked their needs, it was replied that they did not come to beg money from the national committee, but that their county stood ready to match dollar for dollar whatever sum he was willing to give them. "You 're the kind of men I have been wanting to see," replied the gratified representative from New York. “You can have as much money as you want; help yourselves." He took down two valises, and threw them open, showing them packed full of bills. One of the most astute of New York political managers is of the opinion that while they doubtless took what they needed, they failed to keep their promise to match the sum "dollar for dollar" from their own county; but they did keep their word.

Another source of revenue, and one that is much larger than we should expect, if we did not consider the great enthusiasm that a close campaign arouses, is voluntary contributions. I am not speaking here of the large sums that are raised by national committees from wealthy men, especially from those who feel that they have much at stake in national legislation, but the amount that is contributed to county and city committees in local campaigns. In the campaign of 1888, in the same county that received $800 from the national committee, one little city of 4000 inhabitants raised $1200 a day or two before the election, after the assessments had been collected. The money was given voluntarily by enthusiastic men. In that campaign, in that county, some $7000 was spent by one party alone, the greater part of it in the purchase of votes.

Not infrequently, however, some extra pressure is necessary to secure the proper amount from those assessed, or to increase the size of the voluntary contributions. In this same campaign of 1888, in the most important city of a doubtful congressional district in a Western State, the management of the city campaign was put into the hands of a young men's club. The candidate for congressman, of course, had to pay assessments to each one of the county

committees in his district, besides paying to the local committee in charge of the election in this city. He was a man who had himself been an active campaigner for many years, a man who was known to be unscrupulous in his methods, and one who was commonly believed, even by enthusiastic members of his own party, to have purchased his nomination at an expense of $1500, mostly spent in packing caucuses, though some delegates were probably bought outright. The chairman of this young men's club was without much experience in politics, but, nevertheless had a good knowledge of political methods. He was a young man of strong will, a shrewd judge of human nature, and he knew his man. The executive committee of the club was called together at the proper time, and in allotting to the leading candidates the sums that seemed proper for them to pay, this candidate for Congress was put down for $200. A messenger was sent to ask him to come to meet the executive committee. It was known that he was a hard man to collect money from, and the committee expected trouble. When he came in, the chairman said, "Well, Mr., I suppose you know why we have sent for you." The candidate replied, that he presumed they needed money, and added he expected, of course, to pay his share. "We have been considering the matter," said the chairman," and we have decided that your share is $400." The candidate, evidently surprised, inquired if the sum was not rather large, but was solemnly assured that, as the campaign was to be a severe one, they were unanimously of the opinion that he should pay $400. After some hesitation, he said that he would do so, put his name to a subscription paper, and left the room. The committee were jubilant (as one member expressed it, "I thought I should tumble when he said $400"), and thought the chairman's doubling of the amount agreed upon a stroke of genius; but he explained that he had thought it necessary to ask twice what was expected in order to get what they really needed. Inasmuch, however, as the candidate had promised the $400, he intended to collect it. So, when the proper time came for asking for the first instalment, he sent a messenger for $200. After some hesitation, and a somewhat more earnest demand, a check for $200 came. When shortly before the election a messenger was sent for the second instalment of $200, and the money was not promptly forthcoming, an emphatic demand was sent to the candidate, with the assurance that if the messenger did not bring back a check for $200, the young men's club would drop the work of the campaign then and there; it was not their intention to carry on a losing campaign, and the money must be paid at once

or they would cease their work. The messenger brought back the second check for $200.

In a county in Indiana the chairman of the Republican committee found, on the day before election, that he had at his disposal, raised by the usual means, some two or three thousand dollars. The Democrats had probably about the same amount. The county was a close one, and the Republican chairman felt that he needed more money; so he quietly sent word to the leading Republicans that he had learned, straight from the Democratic camp (with the intimation that he had bribed some of the Democratic committee to tell), that the Democrats had $6000 ready, and that unless the Republicans could raise more money, the election would be lost. These wealthy leading Republicans were summoned to a meeting that evening. The case was laid before them; they were assured that the campaign was lost unless more money were raised, and there, on the spot, at least $3000 were collected. The next day the Republicans were in a position to offer $40 a vote at the opening of the polls. By ten o'clock the Democratic money was gone, and after that the Republicans could buy votes at their own price. About three o'clock, an eye-witness tells me that he saw the Republicans buy "a whole raft of voters" at the lowest rates; the Democratic money had been exhausted hours before.

This plan of offering high prices for votes early in the day by the party that has most money, and thus exhausting early the enemy's treasury, is common. A local leader in New York State told me that he once made the opposition in one town exhaust their funds in the purchase of their first ten votes, and that then he bought all day for one fifth the first sum offered.

Money comes to aid the candidates also in many other ways than in those mentioned. In the State election of 1891, one of the candidates for membership in the lower house of the Ohio legislature, a resident of one of the central counties, within a week of his nomination, was approached by the postmaster of his city and told that if he would agree to vote for Mr. for United States Senator he might have all the money that he needed to bear his campaign expenses of all kinds, and that he might name the sum himself. Any candidate who is willing to sell himself can easily find money to help secure his election.

CAMPAIGN METHODS.

ALTHOUGH in many districts, especially where the proportion of the "commercial" voters is large, bribery is most relied upon to secure votes, other means are not neglected.

Anything that can carry demoralization into the enemy's camp is likely to be resorted to; though, in such cases, everything depends upon the personal character and shrewdness of the managers.

One of the most astute, as well as one of the most unscrupulous, of political managers is Dr. C. He is a man whose character in private business is entirely above reproach, a man of unusual intelligence, of good credit, and good morals. He has been the chairman of the Republican committee of his county for a number of years. Into his county there came some few years ago a lightning-rod agent, a southern man, and an ex-confederate. He was a violent Democrat, a shrewd talker, and soon won the confidence of the Democratic managers, and became prominent in their councils. But the lightning-rod business was not very profitable, and the man seemed to Dr. Cone whom he could use. So meeting him one day, he inquired about his business, found that it was not very good, and offered him an opportunity to make more money, and a good regular income if he wished. The man asked what he was to do.

"In the first place," said C—, "you are to obey orders; do exactly as I tell you; ask no questions, and make truthful reports. I want you now to go down to the town of J and make the acquaintance of Mr. G- -; hunt him up, and talk with him. I do not care what you say,-talk lightningrod business, but go and see him to-day and report to me, and then make it your business for the next few weeks to see him as often as once or twice a week, and talk with him, so that the neighbors will know that you two are acquainted."

[ocr errors]

evenings before the election, in a meeting of the Democratic committee, this agent declared that he knew Mr. G— was playing false; that he had overheard Dr. C and others talking, and had learned that they had purchased Mr. G—. When this was still not believed, he told the committee to name any man from their number to go with him; he had heard that a meeting of the Republican committee was to be held that evening; he knew where he could listen at their door without fear of detection, and he could get absolute proof.

A man, one of his own kind, was selected to go with him. They went to the building where the Republican headquarters were, and secreted themselves so that they could overhear what was going on within. Soon Dr. C- -, Judge A- Messrs. H-, and D, and other members of the Republican executive committee, began talking over campaign matters in the town of J- Dr. Cbrought up this case of Mr. G——— (of course, this had been arranged by him with the spy beforehand), and told the other members of the committee, in detail, how he had purchased G——, how much it had cost him, how much money he was to get from him, the exact sum that the Democrats had put into his hands, etc. The agent and his ally then crept back to the Democratic headquarters and told their story.

The Democrats sent a messenger post haste to summon G to come at once, that night. He appeared before the committee, and was denounced for his treachery. He denied the charge vehemently, called to witness his long service to the party, his character, his habits, everything-but to no avail. There were two witnesses present who had heard the whole details of the story from Dr. C. He was A campaign was coming on, and Mr. Gread out of his position of trust in the party; was the most trusted Democratic "worker" in his town, and the man who had regularly handled the funds for his party there. The lightning-rod agent had himself appointed on the Democratic committee, and gave reliable information to the Republican chairman as to the amount of funds the Democrats had, what their plans were, and all other information that could benefit the Republicans.

Shortly before election day, acting under the instructions of Dr. C, he began to hint to the Democratic managers that all was not right with Mr. G. He doubted his loyalty to the Democratic party. He suspected that he was betraying the interests of the party to the Republicans, and that he would turn over the money given him to buy Republican votes. At first he was not believed at all. G― was an honest man, and had been a reliable Democrat for years; it was impossible that he should be treacherous. At length, one or two

but it was too late to get another man to fill his place in that town. His friends and neighbors trusted him, and disbelieved all the charges made by the Democratic committee, so far as they were known. The consequence was that the Democratic management in that town was utterly demoralized, and the Republicans easily carried the day.

Dr. C kept his lightning-rod agent in his employ for two or three years, using him at his will as a spy upon the Democratic camp. He had suspected one year that one of his local managers was playing false to him, but he had no proof. Shortly before the next election, his agent spy was instructed to make the acquaintance of the man, and to attempt to buy him for the Democrats. This was done, the bargain made in detail. Then Dr. C― sent his agent to the Democratic manager, who, he suspected, had made the bargain the year before. In confidential tones the agent told his brother Demo

« AnkstesnisTęsti »