use of language, or from the Shakespearian peculiarity of allusive and (if the phrase may be allowed) sketchy freedom of expression.

But there is another cause of modern critical innovation upon the old text, which runs through all the later editions, with the single exception of those of Knight. Some of the finest passages of MACBETH have been subjected to it. It arises from what has acquired the technical name of the regulation of the metre. The English dramatic metre of Shakespeare's age is one of the happiest peculiarities of our language and literature—unrivalled, for its purpose, in any other. It is founded on the English heroic ten-syllable measure, or blank verse; but it adapts that general rhythm to the utmost freedom of colloquial dialogue, and varying expression of sentiment or passion; passing from a careless rhythm, just rising above numerous prose, to strictly regular versification, often broken into imperfect lines; then flowing over into the hypermeter or supernumerary syllable in the line; or else into long, resounding Alexandrines; even, occasionally, admitting the rhyming couplet. The errors of the old transcribers or editors of Shakespeare had doubtless sometimes confused his lines, and marred his versification; and the earlier editors of the last century, Rowe, and Theobald, have made some judicious restorations of the metre, along with others of a more doubtful character. Since their time it has been the apparent design of their successors, and especially of Stevens, to reduce the dramatic verse, wherever it is in any way possible, to the regular ten-syllable blank verse. This is effected chiefly by taking the lines to pieces, and joining them together in a new order, breaking up the hemistich, lopping off some words and syllables, and inserting others. The poetry, language, and imagery cannot be destroyed; but the dramatic muse, thus compelled to march to the measured cadence of epic verse, cannot but acquire something of the cold dignity of epic narrative. Not unfrequently, too, the effect is to destroy the original melody to the ear, and make a regular verse which is verse only to the eye. John Kemble has the merit of having been the first to protest against this arbitrary regulation. Thirty years ago, in his "Essay on Macbeth and Richard III.," he maintained that "the native wood-notes wild," that could delight the cultivated ear of Milton, must not be modulated anew to indulge those who read verses by their fingers." Indeed, Milton's works prove him to have been the most devoted student of the "easy numbers" of him whom he has addressed as the "Great heir of fame ;" and his own verses are the best commentary on those of Shakespeare. When, therefore, this great master of that regular rhythm which he styles "the English heroic verse without rhyme," in his "Sampson Agonistes" (a drama expressly designed for the closet only) breathed forth his own wrongs and lamentations in the person of his blinded and captive hero, he passed at once from the regular epic measure into broken and varied lines, such as he used to read in his folio Shakespeare, but which Stevens and others have laboured to eject from the popular text.

Mr. Knight's editions have, among other great merits, that of rejecting these critical innovations which I regret to observe Collier has too frequently retained, especially in MACBETH. In this edition, the original metrical arrangement of the first and second folios has been preserved, except in a few passages where the corrections commend themselves to the ear and sense, and have the sanction of all prior editors from Rowe and Pope, and especially where they are made without arbitrary omission or transposition of words or insertion of expletives.

SOURCE OF THE PLOT.

THE traditionary story of Macbeth, on which this drama is founded, is related by Hollingshed in his "Chronicles," first published in London, 1577; and also by George Buchanan, in his Latin "History of Scotland," printed in Edinburgh, 1582. Both of these narratives contain not only the naked historical outline but the principal incidents of the drama, as the prophecy of Macbeth's destiny and that of Banquo's issue, the interview between Macduff and Malcolm, and the influence of Macbeth's wife, whom Hollingshed describes as "burning with unquenchable desire to beare the name of a queene." They differ from each other in various minor particulars: thus, the prophecy of the weird sisters, related by Hollingshed as it is in the play, Buchanan relates as made in a dream, wherein three women of more than human majesty successively hailed Macbeth as Thane of Angus, of Murray, and as King. It is thus clear that Shakespeare used Hollingshed's chronicle only, as he has not only embodied in his plot all the incidents there related, but has largely used the old chronicler's dialogue and language, without employing any of the variations or peculiarities of Buchanan's version of the story. He has also interwoven with the narrative of Duncan's murder the incidents of the assassination of King Duff by Donald, as Hollingshed relates them. These are also told by Buchanan.

The only doubt as to Shakespeare's degree of obligation to the great Scotch historian is, whether or no he is not indebted to him directly or indirectly for the suggestion of this subject as fitted for dramatic use, Buchanan having given as a reason for omitting some of the supernatural parts of the tradition, that they were more fit for the stage than for the historian-"theatris aptiora quam historia." Such a hint, given by the learned preceptor of the then reigning British sovereign might well have reached the poet at the time when London was filled with educated and accomplished Scotchmen, at the accession of their countryman to the English throne; even supposing the poet to have no knowledge of the history itself. But if he got his suggestion from this quarter, it is quite certain that he relied entirely on his customary historical authority, Hollingshed, for his materials.

More recent antiquarians have carried historical skepticism even further than Buchanan, and not content with paring off or explaining away the supernatural appendages of the narrative, have maintained upon the authority of Irish annals and Norse sagas, that "the contest between Duncan and Macbeth was a contest of factions, and that Macbeth was raised to the throne by his Norwegian allies, after a battle in which Duncan was killed, and

that after a long rule, he was himself vanquished and killed by the son of Duncan, supported by his English allies." This may possibly be the truth, yet on such a question, considered merely historically, I would rather depend upon the Scotch Livy, who has weighed the history and traditions in a most impartial spirit, stripped off the apparently fabulous decorations, and even rendered the bloody usurper the strict justice of an unbiased historian, by relating, together with his crimes, his great wisdom and merit as a ruler. But the controversy is of little moment to the modern reader. The naked facts of petty and semi-barbarous civil war are but shadows of the past, too faint to leave any trace on the memory or the heart; while the romantic tradition, stamped by the mighty poet with the living truths of human nature, has become a part of the real and present history of man.

THE Scenes of the several incidents of Macbeth's story have been preserved both in history and in Scottish tradition, though with contending claims as to the precise locality of some of them. The general accuracy with which the localities are spoken of in the play, has led to the inquiry, whether the poet had himself visited those places, or drew his impressions from secondary sources. It has been within a few years ascertained by Mr. Collier, that an English theatrical company, called the "Queen's Comedians," performed at Edinburgh, in 1589, as it had before been known that they had been north of the Tweed in 1599, and were at Aberdeen in 1601. It is, therefore, not improbable that Shakespeare accompanied them in some of their excursions. Even if he had not made a part of these theatrical expeditions, there is nothing improbable in his having visited Scotland at some other time. The expected accession of the Scottish king to the English throne had greatly increased the intercourse between the two countries; and although it was not an easy journey in those days, yet Shakespeare may have performed it on horseback in company with noble and wealthy friends, as poor Ben Jonson did some time after on foot.

If, however, the poet had not personally visited those scenes, it is evident that he had taken pains to inform himself accurately in the topography of his story, as well as in the general history and geography of Scotland.

It has, therefore, been thought proper to transfer to this edition all the views and sketches of the historical or traditionary scenes of action contained in the late English editions, and to add to the notes the interesting local illustrations contributed by Miss Martineau to the Pictorial Shakespeare.

*Skene's "Highlanders in Scotland."

and Cumberland. Still, in the reigns of Duncan and Macbeth, (A. D., 1034 to 1060,) there may have been a predominance of the ancient Gaelic costume. Besides, whatever antiquarian industry may determine as to the barren fact, the Highland costume is unquestionably the poetic and romantic attire of old Scotia's children. This is thus described by Knight, following and abridging the recent work of Mr. Skene on the Highlanders:—

"It would be too much to affirm that the dress, as at present worn, in all its minute details, is ancient; but it is very certain that it is compounded of three varieties in the form of dress which were separately worn by the Highlanders in the seventeenth century, and that each of these may be traced back to the remotest antiquity. These are:-1st, The belted plaid; 2d, The short coat or jacket; 3d, The truis. With each of these, or, at any rate, with the two first, was worn, from the earliest periods to the seventeenth century, the long-sleeved, saffronstained shirt, of Irish origin, called the Leni-croich. Piscotie, in 1573, says, they (the Scotch Highlanders) be cloathed with ane mantle, with ane schirt, saffroned after the Irish manner, going barelegged to the knee.' Nicolay d'Arfeville, cosmographer to the King of France, 1583, says, 'they wear, like the Irish, a large full shirt, coloured with saffron, and over this a garment hanging to the knee, of thick wool, after the manner of a cassock (soutane.) They go with bare heads, and allow their hair to grow very long, and they wear neither stockings nor shoes, except some who have buskins (botines) made in a very old fashion, which come as high as the knees.' Lesley, in 1578, says, 'all, both nobles and common people, wore mantles of one sort (except that the nobles preferred those of different colours ;) these were long and flowing, but capable of being gathered up at pleasure into folds. . . . . . They had also shaggy rugs, such as the Irish use at the present day. . . . . . The rest of their garments consisted of a short woollen jacket, with the sleeves open below, for the convenience of throwing their darts, and a covering for the thighs of the simplest kind, more for decency than for show or defence against cold. They made also of linen very large shirts, with numerous folds and very large sleeves, which flowed abroad loosely on their knees. These the rich coloured with saffron, and others smeared with some grease to preserve them longer clean among the toils and exercises of a camp,' &c. Here we have the second variety-that of the short woollen jacket with the open sleeves; and this confirms the identity of the ancient Scottish with the ancient Irish dress, as the Irish chieftains who appeared at court in the reign of Elizabeth were clad in these long shirts, short opensleeved jackets, and long shaggy mantles. The third variety is the truis, or trowse, the breeches and stockings of one piece,' of the Irish of the time of Giraldus Cambrensis, and the bracchæ of the Belgic Gauls and southern Britons in that of Cæsar. The truis has hitherto been traced in Scotland only as far back as the year 1538; and many deny its having formed a portion of the more ancient Scottish dress: but independently that the document of the date above mentioned recognises it as an established Highland' garment at that time, thereby giving one a right to infer its having long previously existed, the incontrovertible fact of a similar article of apparel having been worn by all the chiefs of the other tribes of the great Celtic or Gaelic family is sufficient, to give probability to the belief that it was also worn by those of the ancient Scotch Highlanders. With regard to another hotly disputed point of Scottish costume, the colours of the chequered cloth, commonly called tartan and plaid, (neither of which names, however, originally signified its variegated appearance, the former being merely the name of the woollen stuff of which it was made, and the latter that of the garment into which it was shaped,) the most general belief is, that the distinction of the clans by a peculiar pattern is of comparatively a recent date: but those who deny a coat of many colours' to the ancient Scottish Highlanders altogether must as unceremoniously strip the Celtic Briton or Belgic Gaul of his tunic, flowered with various colours in divisions,' in which he has been specifically arrayed by Diodorus Siculus. The chequered cloth was termed in Celtic breacan, and the Highlanders give it also the poetical appellation of cath-dath,' signifying 'the strife' or 'war of colours.' In Major's time (1512) the plaids or cloaks of the higher classes alone were variegated. The common people appear to have worn them generally of a brown colour, most near,' says Moniepennie, 'to the colour of the hadder' (heather.) Martin, in 1716, speaking of the female attire in the Western Isles, says the ancient dress, which is yet worn by some of the vulgar, called arisad, is a white plaid, having a few small stripes of black, blue, and red. The plain black and white stuff, now generally known by the name of 'shepherd's plaid' is evidently, from its simplicity, of great antiquity, and could have been most easily manufactured, as it required no process of dyeing, being composed of the two natural colours of the fleece. Defoe, in his Memoirs of a Cavalier,' describes the plaid worn in 1639 as 'striped across, red and yellow;' and the portrait of Lacy, the actor, painted in Charles the Second's time, represents him dressed for Sawney the Scot in a red, yellow, and black truis, and belted plaid, or, at any rate, in stuff of the natural yellowish tint of the wool, striped across with black and red.

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"For the armour and weapons of the Scotch of the 11th century, we have rather more distinct authority. The sovereign and his Lowland chiefs appear early to have assumed the shirt of ringmail of the Saxon; or, perhaps, the quilted panzar of their Norwegian and Danish invaders: but that some of the Highland chieftains disdained such defence must be admitted, from the well-known boast of the Earl of Strathearne, as late as 1138, at the Battle of the Standard :-I wear no armour,' exclaimed the heroic Gael, yet those who do will not advance beyond me this day.' It was indeed the old Celtic fashion for soldiers to divest themselves of almost every portion of covering on the eve of combat, and to rush into battle nearly if not entirely naked.

"The ancient Scottish weapons were the bow, the spear, the claymore (cledheamh-more,) the battle-axe, and the dirk, or bidag, with round targets, covered with bull's-hide, and studded with nails and bosses of brass or iron. For the dress and arms of the Anglo-Saxon auxiliaries of Malcolm, the Bayeux tapestry furnishes the nearest authority.

"The Scottish female habit seems to have consisted, like that of the Saxon, Norman, and Danish women-nay, we may even add, the ancient British-of a long robe, girdled round the waist, and a full and flowing mantle, fastened on the breast by a large buckle or brooch of brass, silver, or gold, and set with common crystals, or precious gems, according to the rank of the wearer. Dio describes Boadicea as wearing a variegated robe; and the ancient mantle worn by Scotch women is described by Martin as chequered, and denominated the arisad."

This summary of the learning of the subject seems sufficient for every ordinary purpose of taste or art, whether pictorial or sartorial. It only remains to add, for the benefit of the artist in either line, who may have to deal with the personal costume of Macbeth, that Sir John Sinclair maintains the truis to be the more ancient Scottish dress, but that the kilt is a comparatively modern invention; and Walter Scott has pronounced ex cathedra, that "whatever Macbeth's garb might have been, a philabeg could have formed no part of it."