Puslapio vaizdai

Old-style Chinese troops on the march outside of Peking. They are used by Yuan to offset any hostilities on the part of modern troops, and, though uniformed

in the old style, are armed like the regulars

too great for her forces and that the emperor must hand over the Government to the republic which had been established at Nanking. But Yüan was careful to obtain a mandate for himself in the abdication edict: the little emperor, who probably never saw the document, was made to say that the will of Heaven was evident, that he was incapable of ruling, and that he enjoined Yüan to establish the new form of administration.

Some of the republicans distrusted Yüan from the outset, but they planned, while conceding the presidency and retiring Sun

Yat-sen in favor of Yüan, to surround the latter with such legal restrictions that he would become only a figurehead, with republicans in power as a cabinet responsible to a parliament. The parliament, largely self-selected, came to Peking and began work upon lines of its own, rebuffing Yüan and refusing even assistance from him. Some members sounded Professor Frank J. Goodnow, now president of Johns Hopkins University, and found him skeptical of the success of a popular government; whereupon, regarding him as a Yüan man, they proceeded on their work

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A modern-drilled artillery-battery which Yüan organized for China

without the assistance of this American, who had come to China to act as legal adviser in the drafting of a constitution.

The republicans, headed by Sun Yatsen, were evidently endeavoring to undermine the loyalty of the army by preventing Yüan from obtaining funds to pay the troops. They held the government offices in most of the provinces, which had ceased to pay tribute to Peking, and they refused. consent to foreign loans. But the foreign. bankers, whose interests were serious in China, had confidence in Yüan and none in the self-elected parliament; and despite protests from the latter, the so-called quintuple group, composed of British, French, German, Russian, and Japanese bankers, the American group having withdrawn, provided Yüan with a loan of twenty-five million pounds for the purposes of paying the troops and terminating anarchy as well as with the object of effecting the reorganization of the affairs of the country.

In the summer of 1913, Sun Yat-sen, whom Yüan had sought to placate with a monthly salary of fifteen thousand dollars, organized another revolution. By various means, probably more by bribery and intrigue than by appeals to patriotism, Sun and his adherents managed to induce certain regiments along the Yang-tse River to revolt. But this second revolution was squelched within a few months by the same forces that Yüan had failed to use in behalf of the Manchus. It is true, however, that though the troops would have

fought had he given the command and continued to pay them, public opinion in the first rebellion was everywhere hostile. to the Manchus.

Sun Yat-sen, with other opponents of Yüan, fled to Japan, where he received a certain measure of hospitality, which has strengthened the position of Yüan, because the Chinese are suspicious of it.

The rebel members of parliament, however, remained in Peking and still sought to defeat Yüan. They drafted a constitution making the cabinet responsible to parliament alone, and in other ways also strove to eliminate Yüan's power. Yüan sought to persuade them, but his emissaries were not even admitted into the councils of the committee employed in drafting the constitution. He then issued a mandate dissolving the Republican political party, known as the Kwo Ming Tang, on the grounds that it was the party of the rebels. This could not be disputed. Yüan's soldiers and police hunted out the Kwo Ming Tang members, arrested some, dispersed others, and induced a number to enter the employ of the Government. Some of them have obtained responsible, well-paid positions and have become enthusiastic supporters of Yüan, intrusted within the private offices of the palace, where they could attack and slay him if they wished to do so and were willing to sacrifice their own lives.

When the Kwo Ming Tang was dissolved, a quorum could no longer be mus


A delegation of Mongols going to pay their respects to President Yüan when inaugurated as president

tered in parliament, and the members of other parties realized that it was both needless and unwise to continue the sessions further. They obtained from Yüan's government ample payments of salary for months to come; some obtained positions and some incomes without employment; and few, if any, failed to get ample allowances for traveling expenses back to their own provinces.

After the dissolution of parliament, Yüan proceeded to reconstruct a government. One by one he obtained control of the capital cities of the provinces. Gradually he shifted troops hither and thither till officers and men loyal to him were in control throughout the country. Hostility remained, of course, wherever there were

students who spoke English or Japanese, men who had been educated in other countries and had ideas of progress and parliamentary government; but on the whole the people were undoubtedly content to have a strong administration. They had had three years of lawlessness, with soldiers and brigands overrunning the country. Not a city of importance had escaped looting by the soldiers of one army or the other, Nanking having undergone that experience, I think I am right in saying, five different times. Peking was looted by Yuan's own troops. Chinese soldiers follow their calling, like some American politicians, only for their salaries and occasional opportunities for loot, regardless of the fact that the prey is their own


Yüan in Peking. Yüan is the figure standing on a dais under the central arch

people. That is why the standing army, though five hundred thousand strong, cannot be used against a foreign nation.

The farmers have no time for politics, raking the barest living out of impoverished ground; the merchants want no more troops let loose upon them. These two elements are more than content; they want Yüan to rule because he keeps order. The men with notions of republican government and resentment at Yüan's usurpation are comparatively few, though they are, it is true, of the educated classes. Yüan's minions are keeping them under observation, and whenever one becomes dangerous and refuses to accept a salary for loyalty, he is arrested and summarily disposed of.

Once Yüan had obtained control, he instituted the semblance of a constitutional government. Advisory bodies were partly appointed, partly chosen by the governors of the provinces,-who were presidential appointees, to come to Peking and assist the Government. In the case of the elections to decide the question of reëstablishing the monarchy, no one dared vote against the issue; it would at least have been unwise. Names of candidates were posted by the governors, and names of citizens qualified for voting were also drawn up in the governors' residences.

The result was a foregone conclusion: Yüan Shi-kai was chosen by the Chinese people, who also voted that the form of government should be again imperial! The republic had fallen even in name.

Those who have had the opportunity of personal contact with him are immediately struck by his magnetic personality. His followers and those who immediately surround him are among his greatest admirers, and have implicit confidence in his power to overcome every obstacle. He is very discerning in the selection of his tools. Nevertheless, despite his wonderful capacity for controlling and understanding men, he is not without his limitations. He cannot be called an administrator in the modern sense; but recognizing his own deficiencies in this respect, he is not beyond listening to counsel and advice; and for this purpose he has collected around him talents of all schools, both young and old, and it is upon these councilors that the hopes of future success of the country depend. Whether Yüan will be permitted to carry out the great plans he has in view will depend largely upon the amount of support and confidence he is able to command among his people at home under his new title, and from the various interests and ambitions of the foreign powers, notably Japan.


The pagoda and lake of the Winter Palace inclosure, where Yüan has his residence

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