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were masters of the state, and held the race in history. All ancient families at a Claudii at a distance.

certain moment exhaust themselves. This Perhaps Tiberius would never have re- is the reason why no aristocracy has been turned to power in Rome had not chance able to endure for long unless continually aided him in the sudden taking off, in a renewed, and why all those that have restrange and unforeseen manner, of Caius fused to take in new blood have failed and Lucius Cæsar. The latter died at from the face of the earth. There is Marseilles, following a brief illness, no serious reason for attributing so horshortly after the return of Tiberius to rible a crime to a woman who was venRome, August 29, in the year 2 A.D. It erated by the best men of her time; was a great grief to Augustus, and, twenty and the fables which the populace, always months after, was followed by another faithful to Julia, and therefore hostile to still more serious. In February of the Livia, recounted on this score, and which year 4, Caius also died, in Lycia, of a the historians of the succeeding age colwound received in a skirmish. These two lected, have no decisive value. deaths were so premature, so close to each The death of Caius and Lucius Cæsar other, and so opportune for Tiberius, that was therefore a great good fortune for posterity has refused to see in them simply Tiberius, because it determined his return one of the many mischances of life. Later to power. The situation of the empire generations have tried to believe that Livia was growing worse on every hand; Gerhad a hand in these fatalities. Yet he who many was in the midst of revolt, and it understands life at all knows that it is was necessary to turn the army over to easier to imagine and suspect romantic vigorous hands. Augustus, old and irresopoisonings of this sort than it is to carry lute, still hesitated, fearing the dislike them out. Even leaving the character of which was brewing both in the senate and Livia out of consideration, it is difficult to among the people against the too dictaimagine how she would have dared, or torial Tiberius. At last, however, he was have been able, to poison the two youths forced to yield. at so great a distance from Rome, one in The more serious, more authoritative, Asia, the other in Gaul, by means of a more ancient party of the senatorial nolong train of accomplices, and this at a bility, in accord with Livia and headed by moment when the family of Augustus was a nephew of Pompey, Cnæus Cornelius divided by many hatreds and every mem- Cinna, forced him to recall Tiberius, ber was suspected, spied upon, and watched threatening otherwise to have recourse to by a hostile party. Furthermore, it would some violent measures the exact character have been necessary to carry this out at a

of which we do not know. The unpoputime when the example of Julia proved to larity of Tiberius was a source of conall that relationship to Augustus was not

tinual misgivings to the aging Augustus, a sufficient defense against the rigors of and it was only through this threat of a the law and the severity of public opinion yet greater danger that they finally overwhen roused by any serious crime. Be- came his hesitation. On June 26, in the sides, it is a recognized fact that the people fourth year of our era, Augustus adopted always incline to suspect a crime when- Tiberius as his son, and had conferred ever a man prominent in the public eye upon him for ten years the office of tridies before his time. At Turin, for ex- bune, thus making him his colleague. Tiample, there still lives a tradition among berius returned to power, and, in accordthe people that Cavour was poisoned, some ance with the wishes of Augustus, adopted say by the order of Napoleon III, others as his son Germanicus, the elder son of by the Jesuits, simply because his life was Drusus and Antonia, his faithful friend. suddenly cut off, at the age of fifty-two, He was an intelligent, active lad of whom at the moment when Italy had greatest all entertained the highest hopes. need of him. Indeed, even to-day we are On his return to power, Tiberius, toimpressed when we see in the family of Au- gether with Augustus, took measures for gustus so many premature deaths of young reorganizing the army and the state, and men; but precisely because these untimely sought to bring about by means of new deaths are frequent we come to see in marriages and acts of clemency a closer them the predestined ruin of a worn-out union between the Julian and Claudian branches of the family, then bitterly di- fondness for pleasure, gave evidence that vided by the violent struggles of recent he possessed the requisite qualities of a years. The terms of Julia's exile were statesman- firmness, sound judgment, and made easier ; Germanicus married Agrip- energy. The policy which dictated these pina, another daughter of Julia and marriages was always the same—to make

of the family of Augustus one formidable and united body, so that it might constitute the solid base of the entire government of the empire. But, alas! wise as were the intentions, the ferments of discord and the unhappiness of the times prevailed against them. Too much had been hoped for in recalling Tiberius to power. During the ten years of senile government, the empire had been reduced to a state of utter disorder. The measures planned by Tiberius for reestablishing the finances of the state roused the liveliest discontent among the wealthy classes in Italy, and again excited their hatred against him. In the year 6 A.D., the great revolt of Pannonia broke out and for a moment filled Italy with unspeakable terror. In an instant of mob fury, they even came to fear that the peninsula would be invaded and Rome besieged by the barbarians of the Danube. Tiberius came to the rescue, and with patience and coolness put down the insurrection, not by facing it in open conflict, but by drawing out the war to such a length as to weary the enemy, a method both safe and wise, considering the unreliable

character of the troops at his From the statue in Naples


once the fear had subsided, the long duration of the war

became a new cause for disAgrippa, and a sister of Julia the Younger; satisfaction and anger, and offered to the widow of Caius Cæsar, Livilla, sister

many a pretext for venting their longof Germanicus and daughter of Antonia, cherished hatred against Tiberius, who was given to Drusus, the son of Tiberius, was accused of being afraid, of not knowa young man born in the same year as ing how to end the war, and of draw'Germanicus. Drusus, despite certain de- ing it out for motives of personal ambifects, such as irascibility and a marked tion. The party averse to Tiberius again



raised its head and resorted once more by his prudence in not speaking more to its former policy- that of urging on clearly of the cause of his exile, making Germanicus against Tiberius. The for

The for- only rare allusions to it, which may be mer was young, ambitious, bold, and summed up in his famous words, carmen would have preferred daring strokes and et error. It is for this reason that postera war quickly concluded. It is certain that there would have risen then and there a Germanican and a Tiberian party, if Augustus, on this occasion, had not energetically sustained Tiberius from Rome. But the situation again became strained and full of uncertainty.

In the midst of these conflicts and these fears, a new scandal broke out in the family of Augustus. The Younger Julia, like her mother, allowed herself to be caught in violation of the lex Julia de adulteriis, and she also was compelled to take the road of exile. In what manner and at whose instance the scandal was disclosed we do not know; we do know, however, that Augustus was very fond of his granddaughter, whence we can assume that in this moment of turbid agitation, when so much hatred was directed against his family and his house, and when so many forces were uniting to overthrow Tiberius again, notwithstanding the fact that he had saved the empire, Augustus felt that he must a second time submit to his own law. He did not dare contend with the puritanical party, with the more conservative minority in the senate,- the friends of Tiberius,- over this second victim in his family. Without a doubt everything possible was done to hush up the scandal, and there would scarcely have come down to us even a summary notice of the exile of the second Julia had

OCTAVIA, THE SISTER OF AUGUSTUS it not been that among those exiled with her was the poet Ovid, who ity has for twenty centuries been asking was to fill twenty centuries with his la- itself what was this error which sent the ments and to bring them to the ears of the exquisite poet away to die among the barlatest generations.

barous Getæ on the frozen banks of the Ovid's exile is one of those mysteries of Danube; and naturally they have never history which has most keenly excited the compassed his secret. But if, therefore, it curiosity of the ages. Ovid himself, with- is impossible to say exactly what the error out knowing it, has rendered it more acute was which cost Ovid so dearly, it is possi


Fronu the statue in the latcran Museum, Rome

ble, on the other hand, to explain that servative and puritanical part of Roman unique and famous episode in the history society to vent upon him a long-standing of Rome to which, after all, Ovid owes a grudge the true motives of which lay much great part of his immortality. He was deeper. not the victim, as has been too often re- What was the standing of this poet of peated, of a caprice of despotism; and the gay, frivolous, exquisite ladies whom therefore he cannot be compared with any they wished to send into exile? He was of the many Russian writers whom the the author of that graceful, erotic poetry administration, through fear and hatred, who, through the themes which he chose deports to Siberia without definite reason. for his elegant verses, had encouraged the Certainly the error of Ovid lay in his tendencies toward luxury, diversion, and

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having violated some clause of the lex the pleasures which had transformed the Julia de adulteriis, which, as we know, austere matron of a former day into an was so comprehensive in its provisions that extravagant and undisciplined creature it considered as accessories to the crime given to voluptuousness; the poet who had those guilty of various acts and deeds gained the admiration of women especially which, judged even with modern rigor by flattering their most dangerous and perand severity, would seem reprehensible, to verse tendencies. The puritanical party be sure, but not deserving of such terrible hated and combatted this trend of the punishment. Ovid was certainly involved newer generations, and therefore, also, the under one of these clauses, - which one we poetry of Ovid on account of its disastrous do not, and never shall, know,- but his effects upon the women, whom it weaned error, whether serious or light, was not from the virtues most prized in former the true cause of his condemnation. It days— frugality, simplicity, family affecwas the pretext used by the more con- tion, and purity of life. The Roman ladies

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