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VI-THE COLONY OF NEW YORK AND re-granting their lands to others in violation of

VERMONT IN 1772-3.*

the principles of justice and the Order of the King in Council, of July, 1767, forbidding the making

English Colonial Secretary, and also by the Lords of Trade. The inhabitants of the Grants had pre

pared Petitions to the Crown for relief against the oppressions of the New York Government, and asking to be re-annexed to the Province of New Hampshire; and Messrs. Breakenridge of Bennington and Hawley of Arlington had sailed for England as their Agents to lay their Petitions before the King.

BY HON. HILAND HALL, LATE PRESIDENT OF of such Grants, had been severely censured by the THE VERMONT HISTORICAL SOCIETY. The commencement of the year 1773 was a period of considerable anxiety, if not of peril to the New York rulers and land claimants in their controversy with the New Hampshire grantees. Judgments in ejectment, almost without number, had indeed been obtained in the Courts at Albany against the settlers, but the Sheriff had been unable to render them available. The militia of Albany County, summoned as a posse-comitatus, had been marched three hundred strong to Bennington to assist him in taking possession of the farms of James Breakenridge and Josiah Fuller. But both the Sheriff and his posse had cowed and retired without accomplishing their object, before a body of men in military array who confronted them. The settlers had met in Conventions and passed Ordinances forbidding New York claimants from entering upon or surveying any lands under the Patents of that Province, and prohibiting officers appointed by that Government from per forming any official acts connected with the controversy. These Ordinances were carried into execution under the direction of Committees of Safety, by a body of armed men styling them selves "GREEN MOUNTAIN Boys," commanded by Allen, Warner, Cochran, Baker, and others; and such was the power and vigilance of this organization that the New York claimants were foiled in all their efforts; and the jurisdiction of that Province over the New Hampshire Grants became merely nominal, especially on the West Side of the Green Mountains.

But

The leaders in this opposition had, it is true, been indicted as rioters in the New York Courts, and the Governor had issued Proclamations offer ing large rewards for their apprehension. these proceedings had been treated with contemptuous mockery and defiance by the settlers -Allen, Baker, and Cochran issuing from Poultney a counter Proclamation offering small rewards for the arrest and delivery at "Landlord "Fays in Bennington" of James Duane and At torney-general Kemp, two of the most notorious New York land claimants, who were described as

"those common disturbers of the public peace." The conduct of the Governors of New York in demanding most exorbitant fees for confirming the titles of the New Hampshire Grantees, and in

This article was written by the venerable ex-President of the Vermont Historical Society-Governor HILAND HALL -for an excellent local newspaper, The Vermont Record, and and it was printed therein on the nineteenth of February,

1864.

We re-produce it, as we shall the second article on the same subject, from a revised copy sent to us by our honored friend, the Author. ED. HIST. MAG.

a claimant

Under these circumstances it was deemed very important by the New York Government and land claimants, to place their cause before the British authorities and the public in the strongest possible form. A labored argument in favor of the New York title to the New Hampshire Grants was therefore prepared with great care by James Duane, a learned and adroit lawyer of New York City, who was under New York Patents to some fifty or sixty thousand acres of land within the disputed territory. In order to give character and dignity to the argument, it was reported to the New York Assembly, by a Committee of that body, in the winter of 1773, and ordered to be entered on its Journal. In this official form it was published, with an Appendix giving a highly colored narrative of the alleged misconduct and outrages of the New Hampshire settlers, and was extensively circulated. It is entitled A state of the Right of the Colony of New York with respect to its Eastern Boundary on Connecticut river, so far as concerns the late encroachments under the government of New Hampshire.

This document, which embodies all the arguments that have at any time been adduced in favor of the New York title, presents it in its most plausable and imposing light. It has been received by some historical writers, without enquiry into the truthfulness of its statements, as a full and complete vindication of the early right of New York to the territory in question, and as a satisfactory defence of the conduct of the Government of that Province towards the settlers. This is epecially and unfortunately the case with Benjamin H. Hall, author of The History of Eastern Vermont, who, without any apparent suspicion that anything could possibly be wrong in this official manifesto, has rested the entire theory of his work upon its supposed correctness -and has consequently treated our people as wholly in the wrong throughout the whole controversy-thus making his book an apology for the unfeeling avarice and cupidity of their oppressors, rather than an impartial History. If he had looked upon the matter of this paper as open to enquiry and criticism, and had applied to it

the like thorough investigating talent which he has happily displayed upon other subjects, he would have found good reason to discredit both its facts and arguments-would most certainly have discovered that instead of being a reliable historical document it was but a tissue of misrepresentation and falsehood from beginning to end, wholly unworthy his confidence.

This famous Manifesto occupies some eighteen folio pages of the New York Assembly Journal and embraces quite too wide a range of matter to be profitably discussed in a newspaper. I propose, however, in a future number of your journal to call the attention of your readers to one of its prominent statements of fact, as a specimen of its general character.

H. HALL.

VII. -REMINISCENCES OF THE RECENT
CIVIL WAR.

are determined to execute their meditated purpose
of separating the State from the Union.
So long
as you command the entrance to the City of
Charleston, South Carolina cannot separate her-
self from the Union. Do not leave the Forts in
the harbor in a condition to induce an attempt to
take possession of them. It might easily be done
at this time. If South Carolina should take
them, it might, as she anticipates, induce other
States to join her.

Permit me to intreat you to urge the President to send at once three or four companies of Artillery to Fort Moultrie. The Union can be preserved, but it requires firm, decided, prompt and energetic measures on the part of the President. He has only to exert the power conferred on him by the Constitution and Laws of Congress, and all will be safe, and he will prevent a civil war, which never fails to call forth all the baser passions of the human heart. If a separation should take place, you may rest assured, blood would follow in torrents, followed by pestilence, famine, and

COMMUNICATED, BY REQUEST, BY MAJOR-GEN- desolation, and Senator Seward's "irrepressible

ERAL WOOL.

1. General Wool to General Cass.

TROY, December 6, 1860.

MY DEAR GENERAL :
Old associations and former friendship induce
me to venture to address to you a few words on
the state of the Country.

"conflict" will be brought to a conclusion much sooner than he could possibly have anticipated. Let me conjure you to save the Union, and thereby avoid the bloody and desolating example of the States of Mexico. A separation of the States will bring with it the desolation of the Cotton States, which are unprepared for war, and to a greater extent than any other people on the face

of the Globe.

Think of these things, my dear General, and save the country, and save the prosperous South from pestilence, famine and desolation. Peaceable secession is not to be thought of. Even if it should take place, in three months we would have a bloody war on our hands.

Very truly your friend.
JOHN E. WOOL

I have read the President's Message. South Carolina says she intends to leave the Union. Her Representatives in Congress say she has already left the Union. It would seem that she is neither to be conciliated nor comforted. I command the Eastern Department, which includes South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama and Mississippi. You know me well. I have ever been a firm, decided, faithful and devoted friend of my Country. If I can aid the President to preserve the Hon. LEWIS CASS, Union, I hope he will command my services. It will never do for him or you to leave Washington without every star in this Union is in its place. Therefore no time should be lost in adopting measures to defeat those who are conspiring against the Union. Hesitancy or delay may be no less fatal to the Union, than to the President or your own high standing as a statesman,

It seems to me that troops should be sent to Charleston to man the Forts in that harbor. You have eight companies at Fort Monroe, Va. Three or four of these companies should be sent without a moment's delay to Fort Moultrie. It will save the Union and the President much trouble. It is said that to send, at this time, troops to that harbor would produce great excitement among the people. That is nonsense, when the people are as much excited as they can be, and the leaders

Secretary of State,

Washington,

D. C.

Major-General

2. General Cass's Reply.

MY DEAR SIR:

WASHINGTON, Dec. 20, 1860.

I received some days since your truly patriotic letter, and showed it to the President. He fully appreciated your pure motives, who as you will have seen, does not concur with you as to the measures to be taken.

We have indeed fallen upon evil times. The pillars of our glorious Temple are shaking. Whether they are to be overthrown, and with them the noblest and freest Government ever given to man, God alone knows. While my gloomy

apprehensions predominate, I have yet some hope, that the same kind Providence, who has so often saved us from anarchy will yet interpose for our rescue. I have felt it necessary to leave the Cabinet, as you will have seen. I part from J. Buchanan and the Administration with the kindest feelings. But the course of measures which I considered necessary did not appear to them to be called for, and I was unwilling to remain and share in the responsibility, which did not belong to me.

And now my friend, farewell. You have been a gallant soldier, and by your noble deeds have inscribed your name upon the rolls of your country. May the evening of your days be without a cloud, though I fear they will not be.

Major Genl. WOOL.

I am, dear sir,
truly yours.
LEWIS CASS.

VIII--SELECTIONS FROM THE PAPERS OF
MAJOR-GENERAL GREENE.-CONTINUED.

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I have sent you by Mr Mumford part of a map of New York & its environs, containing the portion of Long Island, whereon were our works; You will oblige me by marking out upon it, with a pencil or ink, the lines & fortifications & every thing else that may prove explanatory to the transactions that passed upon it. Whatever illustrations may be necessary be pleased to communicate in writing. In a former letter I requested anwers to the following queries, viz

Was the proposed night attack to be made by the Baron, when Kniphausen advanced the first time & burnt Connecticutt Farms, or after the attack at Springfield Bridge?

Was Gen Washington at Morris Town or at Short-Hills, when the last attack was made? Had he only 2500 the whole included at that period, or had he received any reinforcement after the enemy's fire landing at Elizabeth Poin making his number more than 2500?

Was the advice to retreat & cover the necessity

COMMUNICATED BY HIS GRANDSON, PROFESSOR by pleading that it was to guard the heights,

GEORGE WASHINGTON GREENE.

4. FROM DOCTOR GORDON, THE HISTORIAN. JAMAICA PLAIN Apr 5. 1784

DEAR GENERAL

I have not yet had the pleasure of hearing that your family is happily increased, but hope that event will have taken place before the receipt of this.

I have a grateful sense of your kindness when I was at Newport, & that I believe in your professions shall convince you by these presents. Pray you to inform me

Who accompanied You when reconnoitring for a position upon the landing of Gen! HoweHow far the Cross Roads were from himWhat was the name of the place the army occupied at the back of Wilmington.

given upon the enemy's first coming out, or when they were advancing the second time toward Springfield?

Did he go or send any troops to the Highlands Kniphausen? as the British historians say, after the landing of

The death of your child & the sickness in your family, of which I have been informed since an answer. writing them, may have prevented my receiving exercises. I sympathize with you under your

Have requested Mr Hazard to send you immediately a Map of the Carolinas executed for Dr Ramsay's History, which he will do if he can procure one. Pray you to give me your opinion of it, & if it is good & will answer, to perfect it, where wanting, by marking scenes of action--the routes of the armies & the places where they crossed rivers &c as I would make every thing as plain to the reader as possible. I suspect that the Kings Mountain affair will be too well told in Dr Ramsay. Shall be glad to know, therefore, whether You are at a certainty as to Messrs CampMy best regards to your Lady & General Kus-bell, Cleveland & Williams's meeting by accident kiasco. You have the sincere wishes, for a plea--whether they did not attack in three divisions, & sant & safe [ ] or passage to the southward,

What was the particular spot You would have chosen on the other side of the Schuylkill instead of crossing it, in hopes that Gen! Howe would have fought you ere he attempted passing it & going on for Philadelphia?

[Addressed]

Your affectionate Friend
& humble Servant
WILLIAM GORDON

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in three different places, & whether when Ferguson drove one party, the other did not advance & attack him in flank or rear, so that he had it not in his power upon driving the one to push on & attempt a retreat; & whether you had it from Campbell himself or what other, that he found it exceeding difficult to prevail on his men to renew the attack. The paper with which this is accompanied, I apprehend will be acceptable, but would

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Your obliging letter, with the map part of Long Island improved, were received on the saturday in good order. Your information is such as I wished to receive. I make it a rule not to produce my vouchers for the facts I relate, when it may lay them under difficulties, so that you need not be under any apprehensions, of your being known to be an author as to any communications with which you may entrust me.

Lest you should not receive Dr Ramsay's map in time, or it should not answer upon inspection, have sent the maps of Virginia & Maryland, of North & Sh Carolina, on which I pray you, can you possibly find time, to mark your marches & countermarches, the same of Cornwallis's, the places where You, Morgan, Huger & Williams crossed the rivers, where battles were fought, & important matters transacted; & whatever else may tend to the illustration of the history of the war. Let me hear, when you, your Lady & family mean to move to the south ward. My best wishes will attend you; & I shall rejoice to hear, that you have tried & succeeded in the plan of admitting the negroes to the rights of copyholders, which if it could be once effected might possibly tend to their increasing so as to render further importations of them needless. Could you, by your example, prove instrumental in demolishing slavery & the importations of negroes, I should think you rendered the human species nearly as much service, as when you was fighting successfully against British attempts to reduce the white inhabitants of America to the hard condition of slaves.

Mrs Gordon unites in best respects, to Self Lady & family, with

Your much obliged humble servant
& sincere friend
WILLIAM GORDON.

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engagement at Springfieldon June the 23d? Had Gen Washington, the whole force included, on the 23d of June no more than 2500, or had he received between the 6th of June & that period any reinforcement? Was Gen! Washington at Morris Town or at Short Hills on June the 234 ? Was it upon Kniphausen's first advancing from Elizabeth Town that you advised Gen! Washington to retreat under the feint of guarding the passes, or was the advice given or renewed when they advanced the second time June 23d? Did Gen Washington march at all, as the annual Register mentions with the greater part of his army to secure West Point de before the British advanced again toward Springfield on the 23d June?

The readiness You have ever shewn to enable me to keep to the exact truth, encourages me thus to trespass upon your time. I know it will give you less pain to prevent my mistaking, than to read any of my mistakes in print. If the Baron is with you, make my respects acceptable to him, & inform him I shall be glad of the Frenchman's name, whether nobleman or commoner, who encouraged his coming over & acquainted him with Mr Beaumarchais being permitted to send us over military stores, for which Mr Beaumarchais was to be debited & to account to the French ministry. My best wishes attend You, your Lady & children, while you remain in these eastern states & when you remove to Georgia,

Your sincere friend

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I hope this will find you & your family safe & well in Georgia. You have obliged me greatly by marking out, as you have done, upon the N & S Carolina map. Have now sent you one of my proposals, for printing by subscription, the History of the American Revolution, in four volumes. After such experience of your friendship, I cannot doubt of your countenance, in promoting and hastening subscriptions, so far as it falls in your way, that so the work may be the sooner published, & with the embellishments mentioned in the proposals. Messrs May & Hills, Merchants in Savannah do me the favour of receiving subscriptions on my behalf. With the sincerest regards to Self Lady & children, I remain with much esteem, Dear Sir, Your very humble servant

of Connecticut Farms, on June the 6th; or after the Gen. GREENE

& real friend

WILLIAM GORDON

9. FROM DOCTOR RAMSAY, THE HISTORIAN. DEAR SIR,

I return you herewith your manuscript & am much obliged to you for the perusal of it, which has been of great service to me. I have no further occasion for it; but, if you continue to minute down future occurences with the exactness you have past ones, I shall thank you for the perusal of what you may hereafter write.

I brought away no letters from Gen. Green excepting the printed ones in the Newspaper. I took minutes from his manuscripts but brought none of them away. I shall return the Newspapers; but, at present cannot as they are at Singletons.

Novr 22d 1782

I am your humble Sert

RICHARDSONS. H. H. SANTEE,
Capt PENDLETON

[Addressed :]

DAVID RAMSAY

Capt. PENDLETON

or in his absence
Col. MORRIS

IX.-WORK AND MATERIALS FOR AMER-
ICAN HISTORY.-CONTINUED.

BY GEORGE H. MOORE, Esq., LIBRARIAN OF THE
NEW YORK HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

The following document gives us the history of the official report down to the year 1643-six years after the termination of the Synod:

"THE HUMBLE PETITION OF JO: HIGGINSON

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"SHEWETH

"THAT wheras I was employed by ye Magistrates "& Ministers of ye Bay At ye Synod held at Cambridge 1637; to take in short hand all "yt then Passed, At ye end of it I was desired to "draw vp a copie of all ye Materiall Passages, yt it might be printed for Publicke vse, wch so "farre as it did belong to me, after ye Expence "of much time & paines on my Part was done, "And accordingly I Presented it to ye Court "held at Boston in May 1639 where it was ac

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cepted by you, & ordered yt ye Ministers 'should haue ye viewing of it; & then yt it "should be printed & yt I should haue ye bene“fit of ye printing of it for my paines It "being then conceiued it would amount to about

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a 1001: And so it was returned to me againe "by ye Court with a charge of trust, yt I should "so order it yt it should be faithfullie printed "yt no damage might arise from it either to 'ye cause or ye Countrey, & then yt I should "haue ye profit of it It being thus ordered by "ye Court I left it for a time in ye hands of "ye ministers who had ye viewing of it &c. "After wch I had ye occasion to vnderstand "ye Judgmt of diuers concerning ye publishing "of it, & I found yt so some were for it, yet “others were against it conceiuing it might pos"sibly be an occasion of further disputes & dif"ferences both in this Country and other parts of 'y world; whervpon I found a Scruple arise "in my spirit so yt I durst not haue a hand in

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5. THE NEW ENGLAND SYNOD OF 1637. The First General Synod in New England, that Assembly of all the elders of the Churches, which the General Court of the Massachusetts judged it necessary to call in 1637, and which condemned the whole brood of heresies hatched in Massachu-"ye publishing of it, fearing wt might be setts in the first seven years of her colonial existence, has always been recognized as one of the most important themes of her historic past. Yet it is a curious fact that although the proceedings were most carefully reported at the time in short hand, and afterwards written out and prepared for publication by authority, the work was soon afterwards as carefully suppressed, and no recent traces of its existence appear. Perhaps among the hidden treasures of Societies and individuals round about Boston in New England, it may be still secreted from the eyes of the too curious inquirer-but it is certainly not to be found among the materials of history readily accessible to the student. In the examination of other topics of Massachusetts history, we have made occasional notes which are now brought together in the hope that they may help to stimulate inquiry into the subject and perhaps lead to the discovery of important materials concerning it, if not the manuscripts themselves to which we refer.

"ye consequence of it; whervpon I resolued to "deliuer it in to ye Court againe, wch accordingly "I did At ye generall Court in May 1641: desiring of you then yt I might be free from "yt charge or trust yt was committed to me by 'ye Court, & referring myselfe againe to your "consideration wt I should haue for my Paines; "It was then considered of mutually by ye Ma"gistrates & Ministers, & it was resolved (vpon "ye grounds before mentioned) yt it should not "be printed, Also I was Promised yt I should "be considered by ye Court for my Paines when as ye treasury of ye Country should be better "furnished then at yt time it was; The Consider"ation of ye former Passages hath encouraged me againe at this time to Present my selfe & the case before this honourable Court yt if it may 'be, I may receiue yt from you wch may be suitable to ye nature of ye thing & to the bountie "of this Court; I shall not propound anything 'to you, (Though I was off'red 501 for it when

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