law, its origin, and character. They requested us to give them a copy of the act, and we sent it accordingly the next day.

Ou the 4th instant, at night, we received from the British commissioners a note upon the subject of the act of Congress, of which a copy is enclosed. It appeared to us, that it would be prudent to found upon this note a request of an immediate interview, in the course of which it might perhaps be practicable to avail ourselves of their anxiety, that a suspension of the act should be pressed upon our government, to advance our negotiation, with reference at least to the most interesting of the topicks involved in it. To our note, desiring an interview, lord Holland replied, that he would be glad to see us on the but that lord Auckland, being out of town, would not probably be able to attend. Lord Auckland did not in fact, and we believe could not, attend. We opened this conference with lord Holland by observing, that we had been withheld by considerations which he would easily comprehend, from being the first to mention the act of the Americau government, which formed the subject of their note, but that it had been constantly present to our minds as making it peculiarly desirable, that we should understand one another, as soon as possible, upon some, if not all of the points in discussion between us, and as presenting the prospect of a dilemma, as the period prescribed for its commencement approached, without finding us forward in our negotiation. After a short vindication of the act, in the course of which we did not omit to represent it in connection with the special mission which grew out of it, as manifesting the friendly sentiments and views of our government towards that of his majesty, we observed, that, relying upon the dispositions which their lordships had constantly avowed, and by which they were evidently animated, to establish between the two countries, by a suitable adjustment of all subsisting differences, the most perfect and lasting harmony, it was our earnest desire to take some effectual step, which should save the honour of

both our governments, for ensuring the suspension which their lordships had recommended; that there might be reason to apprehend that, unless some advantageous change should appear to have taken place in the state of things, which, in the opinion of Congress, required the adoption of the measure in question, it would not easily be abandoned, even for a time; that no such change had taken place, for that all the subjects of complaint which had excited the sensibility of Congress at their last session, and led to the passage of this act, were still as much at large as ever; that it was indeed true that commissioners, in the highest degree acceptable, had been appointed by his majesty's government to treat with us, and that the spirit of justice and amity displayed by their lordships promised the happiest results; but that it was also true, that up to this period it could only be said, as might equally be said of the period when this act was finally past, that negotiations were depending; that we were therefore extremely anxious, when we should transmit their lordship's note to the United States, to be enabled to accompany it with assurances that although much remained to be done, the two subjects of impressment and trade with enemies' colonies would certainly be adjusted to the satisfaction of our government.

Lord Holland told us in reply, that we were aware that the first of these subjects was full of difficulty, and required that the feelings and opinions of many persons should be managed and consulted; that it touched the most delicate and momentous of their national concerns, and called for much inquiry and deliberation; that he hoped it would soon be practicable (and we might be confident that there should be no unreasonable delay,) to submit to us a plan, to which both sides might without reluctance consent; that in the mean time we could state to our government, what was unquestionably true, that those with whom we were treating were diligently and anxiously employed, in endeavours to devise an arrangement which should be convenient and honourable to us, and at the same time

free from improper hazard to Great Britain; that it appeared to him that the actual pendency of the negotiations here (unless their sincerity were distrusted, as he was sure it would not be) would furnish an adequate motive to Congress for merely postponing the commencement of a law, which was originally a very strong measure, and would certainly, if allowed to go into operation at a moment when Great Britain was affording, in the face of the world, an unequivocal demonstration of her wish to remove every ground of misunderstanding between us, acquire a character of extreme harshness; that it was greatly to be lamented that the discussions, in which we were now engaged, had not been sooner begun; but that knowing, as we did, to what cause the delay was to be ascribed, we knew also that it was unavoidable. His lordship mingled with these observations the most amicable assurances, and took an occasion, which a remark from one of us presented, to express his conviction, that the event of a peace between Great Britain and France would be so far from creating any indisposition, or producing any obstacle on the part of this country, to a liberal adjustment with us, that it would rather facilitate that adjustment by removing from some of the topicks the peculiar interest and difficulty which the present crisis imparts to them.

After some further efforts on our part to promote the object of this interview, without departing from that tone of conciliation which prudence as well as inclination recommended, we separated; and soon afterwards, we prepared and sent to the British commissioners an answer to their note of the 4th, of which you will find a copy enclosed.

To these details we take the liberty to add our opinion, formed upon a careful view of the whole subject, that it will be proper, upon the meeting of Congress in December, to suspend the act for prohibiting the importation of certain articles of British manufacture, so as to afford farther time for the completion of the negotiations which it evidently presumes, and which are now in train.

The ground which Congress have taken in this just and

salutary measure, we are far from wishing to abandon; but to suspend and to abandon it are very different things. The last would wound deeply the honour of the nation, and prostrate the character of the government; but the first is in perfect conformity with the spirit and purpose of the law, and, while it would furnish a signal proof of the equity and moderation of our publick councils, would preserve unimpaired that firm and dignified attitude which it becomes us at all times, but now especially, to maintain. The suspension will be so far from relinquishing the measure, or weakening its effect, that it will distinctly imply a re-assertion of its principle and policy, and an unshaken resolution to act upon and enforce it, as soon as negotiation shall have been sufficiently and unsuccessfully tried.

The death of Mr. Fox, which every hour is expected to announce, may, and probably will retard our progress for some time; but our hopes are strong that we shall finally, and without much further delay, accomplish the great objects confided to us. The temper which the British commissioners have obviously brought to the negotiation, corresponding with that which has been manifested towards the mission by those who hold official stations here, as well as by the publick in general, is as friendly and respectful to our government and country as could be desired. We shall continue our exertions to fulfil, with all possible despatch, the instructions with which we have been honoured, and shall communicate to you by the earliest opportunity whatever of importance shall occur.

We have the honour to be, &c.

JAMES MONROE.
WILLIAM PINKNEY.

JAMES MADISON, Secretary of State.

P. S. SEPT. 12. We have just received separate notes to the same effect from lord Auckland, of which copies are enclosed. They authorize us to expect that the conference of Wednesday next, to which he invites us, will enable us to give you details of a more precise and interesting nature

than it has been practicable to give in the letter to which this is a postscript.

We omitted to mention in this letter, that we have been assured by the British ministers (particularly by lord Holland) that a liberal and satisfactory article, relative to the extent of our jurisdiction over the waters near our coast, and the exemption of the defined limits from all the operations of war, will be cheerfully agreed to, and that an article for defining blockade will meet with no opposition.

SEPT. 13. The account of Mr. Fox's health of this morning is, that the unfavourable symptoms have returned to so alarming a degree, as to leave no hope that he can long survive.

DEAR SIR,

From Lord Holland.

DOWNING STREET, AUG. 23, 1806.

I HAVE seen lord Auckland this morning, and, if not inconvenient to you and Mr. Pinkney, we thought of proposing to you to meet us at the foreign office, Downing street, at twelve o'clock, next Wednesday.* On that day we can exchange our powers, and will, if you please, take minutes of the general objects of your mission. I am, &c. (Signed) HOLLAND.

JAMES MONROE, Esq. &c. &c. &c.

MY LORD,

To Lord Holland.

PORTLAND PLACE, AUG. 24, 1806.

I HAVE been honoured with your note of yesterday, inviting Mr. Pinkney and myself to meet your lordship and lord Auckland at the foreign office, in Downing street, at 12 o'clock, on Wednesday next, for the purpose of exchanging our powers, and commencing the business confided to us by our respective governments. I have conferred with Mr. Pinkney on the subject, and have to assure your lord* 27th August.