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given in the end of my note of the 28th Ventose last, and the obstacle which their known opinions have interposed to the desired reconciliation, to quit the territory of the Republick. On this supposition I have the honour to point out to you the 5th or the 7th of this decade, to resume our reciprocal communications upon the interests of the French Republick and the United States of America.

Receive, I pray you, the assurances of my perfect consideration. CH. MAU. TALLEYRAND.

Paris, 4th April, 1798, (Germinal 15, an 6.)

I HAD the honour, citizen minister, of receiving your letter of the 14th Germinal (the 3d inst.) and Mr. Deutrement who delivered it, informed me, that it was intended to be shown to general Pinckney and general Marshall.

Whilst my colleagues and myself, to whom the government of the United States have intrusted the affairs of the embassy, had a joint agency therein, I have carefully imparted to them all the propositions which you have requested, and the relative conferences; and to yourself our decisions thereon; regretting at the same time the unfortunate and embarrassing circumstances which imposed on me this disagreeable task. But as by the tenor of your letter it is now expected, that they will quit the territory of the French Republick, it will be impossible for me to be the medium of, or to take any measures which will be painful to my colleagues, or not to afford them all the assistance in my power; and it would be moreover inconsistent with the line of conduct which you well know, citizen minister, I have uniformly observed for removing the unfavourable impressions which existed on the part of this government against them: indeed in our last letter there is a conditional application for passports, which, as it appears to me, supersedes the necessity of a hint to them, on this subject; and general Mar. shall is waiting impatiently for an answer to that part of it which respects a letter of safe-conduct for the vessel, in which he and his suite may take passage for the United States, to determine whether he shall embark from France or Great Britain; but the unfortunate situation of general Pinckney, with respect to the critical state of his daughter's health, renders it utterly, impossible for him to depart under existing circumstances.

You have proposed, citizen minister, the 5th or 7th of this decade for me to resume (reprendre) our reciprocal communications upon the interests of the French Republick and of the United States. The reciprocal communications, which we have had, were such only as I have alluded to in the beginning of this letter, unless your próposition accompanied with an injunction of secrecy, for me to treat separately, is considered in this light. To resume this subject will be unavailing, because the measure, for the reasons which I then urged, is utterly imprac ticable. I can only then confer informally and unaccredited

on any subject respecting our mission, and communicate to the government of the United States the result of such conferences, being in my individual capacity unauthorized to give them an official stamp. Nevertheless every measure in my power, and in conformity with the duty I owe my country, shall be zealously pursued, to restore harmony and a cordial friendship between the two republicks. I had the honour of calling on you last evening for the purpose of making this communication verbally, but as you were absent, to prevent misconceptions I have thought it best to reduce it to writing.

Accept I pray you, Citizen Minister, the assurances of my perfect esteem and respect.

To the Minister of Foreign Affairs?

of the French Republick.

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To Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, John Marshall and Elbridge Gerry, Esquires, Envoys Extraordinary and Ministers Plenipotentiary from the United States of America to the French Republick.

GENTLEMEN,- -On the 4th instant came to hand your first despatches since your arrived at Paris; these were your numbers 1, 4, and 5; and on the 6th instant your numbers 2 and 3 were received. On the 5th, your number 5, dated the 8th of January, and a translation of the message of January 4th from the Directory to the council of five hundred, were laid before Congress. In this letter you "repeat, that there exists no hope of your being officially received by that government, or that the objects of your mission will be in any way accomplished." This opinion is sanctioned by the whole tenor of your communica tions; and we trust that soon after the date of your number 5, you closed your mission by demanding passports to leave the territories of the French Republick.

An official copy of your letters of credence having been delivered to the minister for foreign affairs, and by him laid be fore the Directory, they were sufficiently informed of the great objects of your mission; and considering that you were an extraordinary delegation from an independent nation, you had a right to expect a prompt and respectful reception. The fair and honourable views of the American government, which dictated your appointment and your powers, entitled you to expect the early appointment of a commission by the French government, with equal powers, to negotiate on all the matters in controversy between them. Had the French government been influenced by similar views, the objects of your mission would long since have been accomplished, to the advantage and peace of both nations. But instead of coming forward on such equal and proper ground, they have treated you, and through you your country, with extreme neglect.

Under these circumstances, the President presumes that you have long since quitted Paris and the French dominions; yet,

actuated as you were with an ardent desire to preserve peace, which you knew would be so grateful to your country; and having for this object manifested unexampled patience, and submitted to a series of mortifications; as you also proposed to make one more direct attempt, subsequent to the date of your last letter, to draw the French government to an open negotiation; there is a bare possibility that this last effort may have succeeded -The President therefore thinks it proper to direct

1. That if you are in treaty, with persons duly authorized by the Directory, on the subjects of your mission, then you are to remain and expedite the completion of the treaty, if it should not have been concluded. Before this letter gets to hand, you will have ascertained whether the negotiation is or is not conducted with candour on the part of the French government: and if you shall have discoverered a clear design to procrastinate, you are to break off the negotiation, demand your passports, and return. For you will consider that suspense is ruinous to the essential interests of your country.

2. That if on the receipt of this letter, you shall not have been received, or, whether received or not, if you shall not be in treaty with persons duly authorized by the Directory, with full and equal powers, you are to demand your passports and

return.

3. In no event is a treaty to be purchased with money, by loan or otherwise. There can be no safety in a treaty so obtained. A loan to the Republick would violate our neutrality: and a douceur to the men now in power, might by their succes sors be urged as a reason for annulling the treaty, or as a prece dent for further and repeated demands.

It is proper to apprize you, that a motion has been made in the Senate, and will doubtless be repeated in the House of Representatives, to desire the President to lay before them your communications; and he will probably be under the necessity of doing it only withholding the two names which you promised should in no event be made publick. I have the honour to be, &c. TIMOTHY PICKERING.

Department of State, Philadelphia, Į
March 23, 1798.

SPEECH

OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES TO CONGRESS, DEC. 8, 1798.

Gentlemen of the Senate, and

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives,

WHILE with reverence and resignation, we contemplate the dispensations of Divine Providence in the alarming and destructive pestilence, with which several of our cities and towns have

been visited, there is cause for gratitude and mutual congratulations, that the malady has disappeared, and that we are again permitted to assemble in safety, at the seat of government, for the discharge of our important duties. But when we reflect that this fatal disorder has, within a few years, made repeated ravages in some of our principal sea-ports, and with increased malignancy; and when we consider the magnitude of the evils, arising from the interruption of publick and private business, whereby the national interests are deeply affected; I think it my duty to invite the Legislature of the Union to examine the expediency of establishing suitable regulations in aid of the health laws of the respective states; for these being formed on the idea that contagious sickness may be communicated through the channels of commerce, there seems to be a necessity, that Congress, who alone can regulate trade, should frame a system, which, while it may tend to preserve the general health, may be compatible with the interests of commerce, and the safety of the revenue.

While we think on this calamity, and sympathize with the immediate sufferers, we have abundant reason to present to the Supreme Being, our annual oblations of gratitude, for a liberal participation in the ordinary blessings of his Providence. To the usual subjects of gratitude, I cannot omit to add one of the first importance to our well being and safety: I mean that spirit which has arisen in our country against the menaces and aggression of a foreign nation. A manly sense of national honour, dignity and independence, has appeared, which if encouraged and invigorated by every branch of the government, will enable us to view undismayed the enterprises of any foreign power, and become the sure foundation of national prosperity and glory.

The course of the transactions in relation to the United States and France which have come to my knowledge during your recess, will be made the subject of a future communication. That communication will confirm the ultimate failure of the measures which have been taken by the government of the United States towards an amicable adjustment of differences with that power. You will at the same time perceive, that the French government appears solicitous to impress the opinion, that it is averse to a rupture with this country, and that it has, in a qualified manner, declared itself willing to receive a minister from the United States, for the purpose of restoring a good understanding. It is unfortunate for professions of this kind, that they should be expressed in terms which may countenance the inadmissible pretension of a right to prescribe the qualifications which a minister from the United States should possess, and that, while France is asserting the existence of a disposition on her part to conciliate with sincerity the differences which have arisen, the sincerity of a like disposition on the part of the United States, of which so many demonstrative proofs have been given, should even be indirectly questioned. It is also worthy of observation, that the decree of the Directory, alleged

to be intended to restrain the depredations of French cruisers on our commerce, has not given, and cannot give any relief; it enjoins them to conform to all the laws of France relative to cruising and prizes; while these laws are themselves the sources of the depredations of which we have so long, so justly, and so fruitlessly complained.

The law of France, enacted in January last, which subjects to capture and condemnation neutral vessels and their cargoes, if any portion of the latter are of British fabrick or produce, although the entire property belong to neutrals, instead of being rescinded, has lately received a confirmation, by the failure of a proposition for its repeal. While this law, which is an unequivocal act of war on the commerce of the nations it attacks, continues in force, those nations can see in the French government only a power regardless of their essential rights, of their independence and sovereignty and if they possess the means, they can reconcile nothing with their interest and honour, but a firm resistance.

Hitherto, therefore, nothing is discoverable in the conduct of France, which ought to change or relax our measures of defence; on the contrary, to extend and invigorate them, is our true policy. We have no reason to regret that these measures have been thus far adopted and pursued: and in proportion as we enlarge our view of the portentous and incalculable situation of Europe, we shall discover new and cogent motives for the full development of our energies and resources.

But, in demonstrating by our conduct that we do not fear war, in the necessary protection of our rights and honour, we shall give no room to infer that we abandon the desire of peace. An efficient preparation for war can alone ensure peace. It is peace that we have uniformly and perseveringly caltivated; and harmony between us and France may be restored at her option. But to send another minister, without more determinate assurances that he would be received, would be an act of humiliation to which the United States ought not to submit. It must, therefore, be left with France, if she is indeed desirous of accommodation, to take the requisite steps. The United States will steadily observe the maxims by which they have hitherto been governed. They will respect the sacred rights of embassy. And with a sincere disposition on the part of France to desist from hostility, to make reparation for the injuries heretofore inflicted on our commerce, and to do justice in future, there will be no obstacle to the restoration of a friendly intercourse. In making to you this declaration, I give a pledge to France, and to the world, that the Executive authority of this country still adheres to the humane and pacifick policy, which has invariably governed its proceedings, in conformity with the wishes of the other branches of the government, and of the people of the United States. But considering the late manifestations of her policy towards foreign nations, I deem it a duty deliberately and solemnly to declare my opinion, that whether we negotiate

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