Puslapio vaizdai
PDF
„ePub“

other issue and had to be settled by an appeal from speech and parchment to blood and iron?

The campaign between Polk and Clay in 1844 produced a fine crop of medals (p. 336). Clay's adherents appear to have conducted the canvass with the bravado of people who are sure of success. Clay's personal popularity is attested by the number of medals bearing his effigy, the unusual size of several, and the fact that two are of silver, being, with the exception of one Lincoln piece, the only silver campaign medals known which circulated among the people. One of these silver Clay medals (17, obv. and rev.) shows on its obverse a superb profile of this statesman. There is no inscription. The profile in bold relief tells more eloquently than any words the aggressive personality of the candidate. On the reverse is a large ship standing out to sea with flying flags and pennants, while a smaller ship and a steamer are also conspicuous. Under this design, on a mottled ground, are emblems of agriculture. The inscription: "Henry Clay, the Champion of a Protective Tariff," could, with the substitution of Blaine's name, have been adopted as a campaign cry by the latter's partisans in the canvass of 1884.

The beneficent effects of a protective tariff are alluringly set forth in the design on the reverse of the other silver Clay medal (16), which shows factories in full operation, there being one even on a distant headland past which a ship is sailing. Favorite inscriptions with Clay's partisans were: "Equal and full protection to American Industry!" "Protection to the Working Classes!" (18) "Protection to American Industry!"-mottoes whose echoes reverberated through the Blaine canvass. The first appears on the reverse of a large white-metal piece with an elaborate design emblematic of Clay's statesmanship, diplomacy, and Americanism. The second is interesting as the first record of an appeal to the labor vote. Clay was an earnest advocate of the War of 1812, and had long before its declaration urged retaliation upon England for her unlawful impressment of American seamen. This feature of his career is referred to in the inscription: "The Flag we wear at our masthead

VOL. IV.-35

should be the Credentials of our Seamen," on the reverse of a medal (19) commemorating the "Young Men's Convention, Baltimore, May, 1844." Of course his "American System"-a combination of protection and internal improvements, is frequently referred to. How near Clay stood to the people is shown by what may be called the colloquial design on the reverse of a small Clay medal (20). It shows a raccoon up a tree "making a nose" at his pursuers. The inscription reads: "The same old Coon, O. K!" Other characteristic Clay inscriptions are: "Henry Clay will carry the Day!" "The Man of the People, the Star of the West!" "A Halo shines as Bright as Day around the Head of Henry Clay!" and "Harry of the West!" Clay's partisans were so boastful of success that by a medallic anachronism his election and inauguration were recorded. The obverse of this medal bears the candidate's bust and "Henry Clay elected President a.D. 1844." The reverse (21), referring to Clay's struggles early in life, shows a boy riding toward a mill and the inscription: "The Millboy of the Slashes inaugurated March 4th, 1845."

د,

66

Polk's adherents entirely ignored the tariff question, and the Polk medals refer almost exclusively to the annexation of Texas. Polk came from the State of Andrew Jackson, and his partisans, according to numismatic testimony, seem to have taken advantage of this point and to have shouted for "Young Hickory. Enlarge the Boundaries of Freedom, press onward Young Hickory!" (22). "Young Hickory, Dallas and Victory!" are examples of the inscriptions on Polk medals. The Texas question is more specifically referred to in a design of a "lone star" with a "T" in its centre. It is noteworthy that the appearance of Dallas's portrait on some of the Polk medals marks the debut of the Vice-Presidential likeness in the series (23).

When the Whig and Democratic conventions met in 1848, the Mexican War had been fought and the question whether or not slavery should be prohibited in the newly acquired territory had assumed prominence; but, as heretofore, these parties dodged the issue.

As a result there was a defection from both, the seceders uniting as the Free Soil party and nominating Van Buren. His action in running and drawing enough votes from Cass, the regular Democratic nominee, to elect General Taylor, the Whig candidate, has of late years, and especially by those who inaugurated the Butler movement in the last campaign, been referred to as the first important "bolt" in our political history. The most interesting medal of this campaign is a battered cent (24), upon the obverse of which (the Liberty head) some one struck with a roughly cut die: "Vote the Land Free!" A hole punched through the coin and its battered condition prove that it was actually "worn in battle."

The few Cass medals are not of special interest (26). Among the Taylor series is one the reverse of which shows a stand of arms, a tablet in the centre bearing the famous command: "A little more grape, Capt. Bragg" (25). The trophy is surmounted by an eagle; the inscription reads: "I ask no favors, I shrink from no responsibility." The obverse of another medal informs us that 66 General Taylor never surrenders."

In the election of 1852 Pierce and Scott were opponents. Judging from the medals of this campaign it was a dull canvass. They are few in number and of no special interest. There is but one Pierce medal (28). It refers to him as the "Statesman and Soldier." A Scott medal bears on its reverse the scene of Scott wounded at Lundy's Lane (27).

Before the campaign of 1856 opened the slavery question had overspread the political horizon like a threatening stormcloud. The repeal of the Missouri Compromise, the struggle in Kansas, and other phases of the issue led to the fusion of the anti-slavery Whigs and Democrats with the Free-soilers as the Republican Party. This party nominated Frémont, who made an aggressive canvass. With this California pioneer as their leader, the Republican party swept over the political field like a fresh breeze from the mountains. Evidence of the enthusiasm with which the opponents of slavery entered this campaign is found in the series of Frémont medals, one of them being the largest political

campaign piece known. It is of whitemetal. The obverse shows a fine portrait of Frémont (32). On the reverse is a wreath enclosing these inscriptions: "The Rocky Mountains echo back Frémont." "The People's choice for 1856." "Constitutional Freedom." Beneath the wreath is a scroll with "Free" in the middle and "men" and "soil" at either end. The reverse of another interesting Frémont medal represents a surveying party surveying a mountain on top of which is the White House (30). On a third medal (31) he is called "Jessie's Choice," a reference to his marriage with Jessie Benton, daughter of the Missouri statesman.

The Buchanan medals are few in number, but among them is one which stands out conspicuously from the series for both cleverness of design and elegance of execution. It is a large white-metal piece, showing on its obverse a buck leaping over a cannon (29). This is the first and only instance of a rebus in the series.

Those Whigs, especially at the South, who were opposed to anti-slavery measures revived about this time the American or Know-Nothing party and nominated Fillmore (35). A medal (36) of the older "Native American " party had in 1844 called upon Americans to "beware of foreign influence," and a similar motto appeared in this campaign. The anti-Catholic tendencies of this party are evidenced by the emblems of Papacy on the reverse of one of these medals. The obverse of the other Know-Nothing medal (34) shows a man bearing an American flag with three rents. The inscription reads: "Our Flag trampled upon."

The anti-slavery party took a giant stride during Buchanan's administration. The enthusiasm of its members after the nomination of Lincoln is shown in the number of Lincoln medals,about 200-which is second in the series of American political medals only to that of the Washington medals. The most interesting pieces of the Lincoln series are those worn by the "Wide-aWakes," believed to be the first uniformed body of voters to take part in political processions. The obverse of one of these medals shows a member of this organization wearing the characteristic

wide-awake hat, and bears the inscription "I am ready." Another, worn by the Hartford Wide-a-Wakes, shows on its obverse (40) one of them in full uniform carrying a lantern, and on the reverse another bearing a torch. The Lincoln silver medal referred to in the description of the Clay pieces proclaims the principle of "Free Territory for a free People." Medals relating Lincoln's struggles in early life seem to have been popular there are a number referring to him as the "great Rail-splitter of the West" (38) or the "Rail-splitter of 1830" (43), with designs enclosing the inscription in a rail-fence or showing a woodscene with Lincoln engaged in splitting rails. Hamlin's name is on one medal combined with Lincoln's as follows: “Abra-Ham Lin-Coln." Characteristic inscriptions in the Lincoln series are "Honest Abe of the West." "Honest old Abe." "No more Slave Territory." "Free Homes for Free Men." On those issued during his second Presidential campaign we read: "If I am re-elected President, Slavery must be abolished with the re-union of States." Free dom to all men, Union.”

66

66

The rail-splitter of 1830" was the party-splitter of 1860. For on the question involved in his candidacy the Democratic party split, one faction nominating Stephen A. Douglas (41), the other, Breckinridge (42), who represented the extreme Southern pro-slavery views; while the American Party rechristened itself the Constitutional Union party and nominated John Bell (39). Campaign medals were worn by the partisans of all these candidates.

Lincoln was opposed in 1864, besides by McClellan (44 obv. and rev.), by a section of his own party which nominated Frémont and Cochrane, who, however, withdrew in the autumn. One medal (45), with a military profile of Frémont and "Free Speech, Free Press, Frémont" on its obverse and a battle scene with Frémont bearing a flag on the reverse, is a serious memento of this ridiculous episode. A characteristic McClellan piece is oval shaped and was evidently attached to a pin. It shows McClellan on horseback, and bears the inscription: "Little Mac for President. Spades are Trumps."

With the Lincoln medals the series ceases to be noteworthy. The medals issued during subsequent campaigns are neither so varied nor so interesting in design as those struck off during the Lincoln or previous canvasses. The only reason that can be assigned for this is the change in methods political. Party organization has been so developed, party discipline is so effective that an army of voters can be marshalled at short notice, so that now a canvass is a succession of vast processions. Facilities of transportation also enable the voters in rural districts to unite in large bodies for imposing demonstrations. As a result small cheap medals bearing as a rule merely the profile of the Presidential and Vice Presidential candidates are struck off in large numbers.

Of the numerous Grant medals (46) in the Political series but few are political campaign medals, and none of these is of special interest; and the same may be said of the Seymour (47) and Greeley (48) medals. Among the Tilden medals were several caricatures (49).

There are only two interesting medals from the Garfield-Hancock campaign, one showing the former on a mule on the tow-path and "Canal boy 1845; President 1881 " (50), the other, imitated from the "Salt River" Harrison medal, showing a steamboat with "329," the number on which Garfield's opponents rang the changes so persistently, on the paddle-box, and the inscription: "Good for a free passage on the steamer Hancock, Capt. English, Nov. 2, 1880, for Salt River direct, Chinese Line."

In our days the newspapers record almost every detail of a political canvass, and any future historian desiring to enter into the spirit in which our canvasses are conducted-their issues, literature, rhetoric, and acrimony-would find it reflected in our daily journals. But to any one who wishes to become conversant with the political methods of the times before the press had obtained its present status as a newsgatherer, the series of political campaign medals is most helpful. For each rim encircles a bit of history, and the series as a whole forms a record in metal of our national politics.

I

A SECOND-HAND STORY.

By H. C. Bunner.

HAVE a small book, and a small story, that I bought, the two together, for fifteen cents. He thought, I suppose, that he was selling the book alone; and I must admit that it was but a shabby sort of book. You will hardly find it in the catalogues. It is not a first edition. It is not a tall copy-it is a squat little volume, in truth. It bears a modest imprimatur.

The title page reads thus :

[blocks in formation]

to the keeping of an established church this much liberty of personal choice is conceded that he may elect to which one of the established churches he will make delivery. Of this initial liberty of personal choice I shall take advantage in my search after truth. To discover the true history of this volume, I must accept certain premises, and draw conclusions therefrom. If the conclusions are wrong, the premises are clearly to blame, and I am not.

Now, I find, on the second page behind the title, this official commission of the book:

****************

Philadelphia, May 24th, 1787.

THE Synod of New-York and Phi-. ladelphia did allow Dr. Watts's Imte, tation of David's Pfalms, as revifed by Mr. Barlow, to be fung in the Churches, and Families under their care. Extracted from the records of Synod, by GEORGE DUFFIELD, D. D. Stated Clerk of Synod

Hence we may set out with the almost certain knowledge that this copy of Mr. Barlow's revision was owned in Pennsylvania, in New York, or in New Jersey, tucked away between them. If the owner were a Pennsylvanian, why did the book not drift, in the end, to Philadelphia instead of to New York?—there are book-shops in Philadelphia, I think. I found it in New York, yet I hardly think it was first sold there. Dr. Watts must have been tongueless among the Dutch churches in 1791, and he could hardly have been made welcome among the modish Church-of-England sinners in Trinity or St. John's. It was in New Jersey, then, that she lived-for I have decided that this book was owned by a woman and that her name was Prudence -in New Jersey, perhaps on some rich lowland along the calm Passaic.

I have a fancy that I know the place.

[ocr errors]

It is a small town, set between the river and the softly rising hills that slope and fall and slope and fall to the feet of the Orange Mountains. Half-way up the long main street lies a little triangle of green, bounded by posts and chains, that is called "the square. The church stands on the highest side, a solid building of reddish-brown stone, with plain rectangular windows, that look blankly out from their many panes of pale-green flint glass. It has a squat wooden spire, painted white-a white that has been softened and made pleasant to the eye by the ministrations of the weather. Directly opposite the church is a large Square house of brick, with stone about the doors and windows, and with a little white-painted Grecian portico-on that the paint is ever white and new, defying the kindly hand of time. That is the Squire's house, and that is where Prudence lives.

There are trees all around the square, and trees in it-chestnuts and graceful beeches and young oaks-trees that seem to bring something of the wood into the heart of the town. You will not see the great drooping arbors of the New England elms, set at regular intervals, massive, shapely and urban. These are children of the forest, not afraid to venture into the little town and to scatter themselves about her grassy streets.

Their boughs that wave in the sunlight, are almost the only things that move, early of a summer Sunday morning. The front-doors are closed that of a week-day open wide their broad upper halves. There are no people in the streets. Everybody is within doors, making ready for church. Even the dogs refrain from running about the highways and byways on the aimless errands which dogs affect; they lie in the sun on the doorsteps and wait the appearance of that human world of which they are but an humble auxiliary. Perhaps Prudence, pinning her neckerchief before her dressing-glass, gives a look through her window-hers is the little room over the front door-the window with the fanlight at the top and smiles to see the sunshine and the billowing leaves flickering red and green; but she is the only woman in the town who has a thought to give to

anything save the great business of Sunday morning tiring.

At last the old sexton stalks across the square, and opens the church doors with his huge iron key. Out of the sunlight he vanishes into the black hollow of the vestibule; there is silence for a moment, then the husky whirr of the rope over the wooden wheel on high, and the bell clangs out brazen and loud, and the startled birds rise for a second above the tree-tops, and Sunday life begins.

You will not see Prudence until all the townspeople and the farmers from the country round about are seated in the pews-not until the Dominie appears at the side door of the church. Then the broad portal of the Squire's house springs open and the Squire marches forth, looking larger than ever in his Sunday black. There is a sombre grandeur about the very silk stockings on his sturdy old legs. Behind him comes Cæsar-black Cæsar-his wool as white as the Squire's powdered wig. Cæsar has his kit in his hand; he plays the first fiddle in the choir, and thereby enjoys a proud eminence above all the other negroes in the neighborhood. Moreover, he has been a free man since the first Squire died.

Prudence walks by her father's side. The white neckerchief is folded over her breast; her dress is gray; her eyes are gray and dovelike. She holds her hymnbook and a spray of caraway in one hand; the other lifts her clinging skirt. The Squire looks straight ahead as he walks, and Cæsar looks straight at the Squire's back. But Prudence's soft eyes wander a little. Perhaps she is not sorry that the Squire walks slowly; that she has these few moments under the trees and among the birds before the great bare hollow of the church swallows her up for the two long hours of service.

As Prudence sits in her pew to-daythe front pew to the left of the aisle as you face the Dominie-she is conscious that there is among the worshippers a concentration of furtive attention upon the pew behind her-the one where old Jan Onderdonck used to sit until he went to finish his mortal slumbers in the graveyard. She does not wonder

« AnkstesnisTęsti »