newspaper stories of the world since the first revolution in 1917. This has been true especially since the November revolution brought into power the Communist party, with Lenine, Trotzky, and company in charge of the political and economic affairs of more than 150,000,000 people.

Counter revolutionists have been at work, backed by foreign gold. Denikin, Kolchak, Wrangel, Yudenitch, one after another, arose and were heralded as the liberators of an oppressed people from the tyrannous yoke of the proletarian dictatorship. Their careers were short; one after another they were defeated by the Red Armies, until to-day only a scanty fringe of the "liberators" hold sway on the Pacific coast, supported by the armies of Japan, without whose protection these last-ditchers quickly would follow their predecessors down to defeat.

More facts have been distorted, more predictions have proved false, and more prophesies have been unfulfilled concerning Russia and its Government than about any other country in the history of the world. And so I have come to believe with Josh Billings that most things folks know about Russia "ain't so."

In May, June, and July of last year only about ten per cent. of the normal amount of rain fell in the Volga valley;

so there was famine in the land, as

This famine is the worst in history; even worse than the famine of 1891, when over three hundred thousand people starved to death on the lower Volga. It is worse because it followed six years of foreign and civil war, when the contending armies marched up and down the valley, blowing up bridges, destroying buildings, and carrying off grain and live stock.

It is worse, too, because a communist government requisitioned the surplus grain supplies of the peasants, thus taking away from them the incentive to plant; so that the acreage sown in food crops had decreased in 1921 to less than sixty per cent. of normal.

The cry of the starving millions reached America. We did not like the leaders of the Russian Government, we did not believe in communism, and knew that its blighting effect would destroy the economic structure of Russia. Some said, "Let them starve; it will bring them to their senses." But more humane counsel prevailed. Human beings were starving to death; little children were dying of hunger. Such an appeal the American Relief Administration, and Herbert Hoover, its chief, did not let go unanswered, and they are answering it in splendid fashion in Russia to-day.

While motoring through northern New York last August, I received a

message from Mr. Hoover, to come to Washington to talk over the Russian situation. But I knew nothing about Russia; had never been there. In fact, the only information I had secured about this wonderland of modern history was such as I had garnered from the daily press.

On reaching Washington, I found Colonel Haskell with Mr. Hoover. After a brief interview, it was agreed that I was to go with open mind to investigate the entire famine situation, to learn the truth about Russia, and to return as soon as the preliminary investigation was completed.

Armed with the voluminous records of the report of the British parliamentary commission, which made an exhaustive survey of the whole Russian situation, I started for Russia on September 15. The two weeks that intervened from the time of leaving New York until my arrival at Riga were spent in studying Russia, its Government, the Revolution, the counter revolutions, and the causes leading up to the famine.

Soon after reaching the Russian frontier, I began to see evidences of the new economic policy. On the train I talked with a gentleman named Bogaroff. He had been the soviet representative in Italy, and was then on his way back to Moscow. Discussing the Government of Russia, I called attention to a report I had recently read that indicated that trading was to be permitted and money wages paid in place of the ration, a policy not consistent with communist theories. Bogaroff declared that it was impossible for Russia, standing alone, to maintain a communistic gov

ernment. Departures from the communist policy, he contended, were only "strategic moves," and indicated no change in the conviction of government leaders regarding the soundness of their theories.

I met Red representatives at Samara, Penza, and at Saratoff. All were discussing the proposed "strategic moves." All in like manner defended the new policy and, while freely admitting that it tended toward capitalism, stoutly asserted that it did not represent the permanent policy of the Government.

Shortly after my return from Moscow, Lenine made his celebrated speech on the new economic move, in which he defended his course, frankly admitting that the Government had sustained a disastrous economic defeat in the spring of 1921, more serious than any setback it had suffered during the war. Also, that it was necessary, as a part of the general policy of the Communist party, to execute an economic retreat to new bases, carefully planned and prepared. All this meant concessions to capitalism, the restoration of private property, the collection of rents, the charging of wages, the adjustment of wages according to the value of services rendered, and permission for the peasant freely to dispose of his surplus after paying a reasonable tax. Lenine did not hesitate to admit that this meant the establishment of capitalism; that "hundreds of per cent. of profits would be exacted by the capitalists," that "Russia must be educated, and that the proletarian order must be established on a prosperous basis before the nation could continue its advance toward communism."

This speech resulted in the disclos

ure that the Communist party was by no means united behind Lenine in his new economic policy. A meeting of the All-Russia Executive Committee was called, and the new policy freely discussed. Lenine again defined his position, and insisted that the retreat outlined in the new policy was essential if communism ever was to be established. One of the members of the committee present said to him:

given to the Government his undivided support until the revolution was suppressed. He said that thousands of other loyal Russians in the province of Saratoff had taken the same course.

I met a business man of Saratoff who operated a very large department store prior to the revolution. Seeing the approaching storm, he sent his family out of the country, and after reducing as much of his property as

"That is a naïve question, comrade," Lenine replied. "The retreat will continue until communism is established."

Thus Trotzky, who a year before had advocated the conscription of all Russian labor, and predicted the failure of communism if his policy was not adopted, is now in a position to say, "I told you so."

After meeting and talking with men from all parts of Russia-college professors, business men, manufacturers, bankers, and also many of the peasants, who are by no means in favor of the communist theories-I became convinced that the Allied governments made a colossal blunder in financing the various White revolutionary leaders and in keeping Russia in civil war for two years. For this policy of interference drove the peasants, and many other patriotic Russians who did not believe in communism, to the support of the Government.

Doctor Babin, connected with the University of Saratoff, who was educated in America and does not believe in the theories of Bolshevism, told me at Saratoff that while he was certain communism would fail, yet he was a Russian and did not want to see the Whites win. Accordingly, he had

before the October revolution. This man owned a beautiful home, five rental properties, and his store, all of which were nationalized and taken over by the Government. He was back at Saratoff, while I was there, negotiating with the Government for the privilege of opening and operating his store. He told me that while he had no sympathy whatsoever with the announced Bolshevist theories, the country had suffered enough from war and revolution; that he believed the Government had turned the corner, and therefore the best thing for every one to do was to support it, to join whole-heartedly with it in again building up Russia. Before we left Saratoff, he told me that he had concluded his negotiations with the Government and expected to open his store at an early date.

At Balser I met a manufacturer who had operated a plant there prior to the revolution. It had been nationalized, taken away from him, and turned over to the workers. Thinking of the large fortune the manufacturer had made in the operation of the plant, the workers believed their time had come and that they would now receive the full fruits of their toil.

So they appointed a shop committee to operate the plant. It ran along for