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disapproval Masaryk went steadily on building for this future of an independent national state that has now arrived. Personal ambition seems to have played no part in his philosophy or his conduct. Few men have been Few men have been freer of that quality, few men could take less seriously the outer honor and pomp of his present position.

We in America are not apt to get a clear vision of the new map of Europe. We know that a principle of selfdetermination has been generally applied, with disastrous results to Austria and Hungary, but we are only beginning to realize what this has meant to the ten or more small states that were formally included in the territory of that empire. It is with considerable surprise, therefore, that we have watched the long pear-shaped country of Czecho-Slovakia, lying between Poland and Germany to the north, Austria and Hungary to the south, its eastern border reaching out to touch Rumania, come almost overnight into existence. The Bohemians were Gipsies who did beautiful embroidery, and of the Slovaks we knew even less. Yet to-day these two states, lying at the two ends of the pear, together with the intervening sections of Moravia and Silesia, have combined to form one of the new states and seem destined to be a factor in the life of the whole of modern Europe.

It was the dream of this possibility that lay back of Thomas Masaryk's teaching, which was always inspired by the highest sense of spiritual values. The struggle for national independence was to be carried on and realized not merely to satisfy a legitimate patriotic impulse, but in the name of a larger ideal of justice and brotherhood that would in the process of its accomplish

ment regenerate the men and women who struggled toward it.

Undoubtedly, much of the effectiveness of Dr. Masaryk's building was directly due to the very plastic material in which he was working, and to the persistence with which he kept the spiritual ideal to the fore. Like many another teacher, he saw the hopelessness of attempting to bring about a change of view in the mature man of set habits of thought. His pupils were for him the hope of the future. To them, therefore, year after year, aided by the compelling charm of his personality, he went on preaching his gospel. Through and away from the German materialism into which they had come, on, with fine reasoning and clear logic, he led them away from their callow atheism to a finer faith, which was at the time, many of them confess to-day, something in the way of an uncomprehending, blind following, but which later maturity has been able magnificently to justify.

"Masaryk's fight for God," they called it at the time, wondering to find it come as the crown of every philosophical digression, God set as a lamp in the man's heart, a living principle to be fought for and lived by even in the every-day business of school and government.

God, the man, the state, the world, God-closed links of the chain of life, God the beginning and the end; and between, man's purpose to make living realities of the charity, justice, truth, brotherhood, love, peace, of which God is the embodiment.

Those who fought him must have recognized the eternal basis of the principles for which Masaryk was battling. The very bitterness of their attack betokens their fear. It is not

difficult to understand the rage of the lesser priests, politicians, partizans, sociologists, and economists who heard forever thundered at them that their work, their theories, lacked the fundamental essential, a consciousness of God. The perfection of character, the regeneration of the heart-these must be the aim of all effort. Not that politics and economics and practical national questions were not important. It was precisely because Masaryk comprehended their importance that he stood so valiantly for the underlying spirituality which had illumined John Huss and which alone could be trusted to set society upon the right path. Spiritual interpretation seems to have been the touchstone for every idea and theory which presented itself. Politics, yes; but upon the foundation of brotherhood. National independence, yes; but with every man sharply aware that independence will not preserve a nation. The nation must preserve its independence, a nation made up of men who live righteously. Love of country, yes; but enlightened as to faults as well as to virtues. Philosophy, yes; but not crusted over with old theories; the thoughtful, fair-minded consideration of love and marriage and prostitution and divorce and every phase of modern social life. God, the indispensable, but not a God of creeds and churches; the spirit that realizes brotherhood and justice and love and peace.

It would be claiming too much to suggest that Dr. Masaryk foresaw the Great War and the supreme opportunity which that world upheaval would bring to the Czechs. But when the break came, he saw at once what it might mean for his people. His agitation for an immediate Czech

revolt was treason to the Austrians and not popular even among many of the Czechs. In 1914 he fled to London, where a year later he was appointed to a chair in the University of London, and from there continued his efforts to bring his nation in on the side of the Allies. By this path freedom was to be gained, the Battle of the White Mountain was to be avenged. We remember the story of the Czech legions, mutinying in the Austrian ranks into which they had been conscripted, cut off from return to their own territory, escaping in the midst of a furious battle from their oppressors to the forces of the friendly, loyal Russians, and later battling their long way against the Bolsheviki across the vast stretches of Russia and Siberia. This was the flame which Masaryk had lighted, and before the war was over the whole nation had turned to him. As a spokesman of his country he made numerous journeys through European countries and to America, seeking always to hold his countrymen to their high idealism, to acquaint the world with their aims and purposes, and with the nature of the oppression which they had suffered.

This had indeed been long and bitter. Their masters, German and Magyar, have never been a people who easily loosen their hold, once it is fastened upon subjects. And the Czechs, cut off from the great Slavic mother nation, shut in among Teutons, were fully sensible of their helplessness under a power that had for generations so completely diverted the rich Slovakian harvests to their own uses as to leave countless numbers of the peasants in the grain-producing districts permanently deformed from lack of nourishment when children; that had

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forced the young men into service under foreign officers; that had ground down wages in mill and mine and factory past the point of life; that had thrown every preferment of place and position into the lap of a foreign aristocracy while the native men of ability and genius went unrecognized or were even banished or executed.

But there is something sublime about a people's national self-consciousness. Once, long ago, Bohemia had had a life of its own, distinct and honorable. The consciousness of this was the light in the heart that never went out. When, therefore, the hour of liberation came, the people were ready. The National Czech Council, formed during the war, stood ready for action and almost a month before the armistice was declared, took over the new state and called a National Assembly. This met in November, 1918, and so intensively did the members work, so easy was it, apparently, to give expression to those ideals of justice and freedom upon which they had long dreamed, that within three months a constitution had been drafted and adopted.

The story of those first days of freedom is a thrilling chapter in the after-war history. Tool and task dropped where they were; men and women, young and old, high and low, forgathered to sing out their joy: "We are free! We are free!" All day, all night, they met together, saying the words, listening to others say them, afraid lest the dawn might prove it an illusion, needing the presence of one another lest alone they wake from their dream.

To Thomas Masaryk, as with one voice, they turned. No one else was considered. Upon his principles the

new state must be built. His inspiration, his faith, his indomitable enthusiasm, had caught the whole people. Surely there is nowhere to be found to-day a people so inspired with the business of founding a new state as are the Czechs. The men and women engaged in the task have a fire in voice and eye which is shaming to one accustomed to the duller routine of the older democracies. The enthusiasm of a new life has got hold of them. They ask a thousand questions about what other nations have tried and accomplished. Their every-day reading is books of philosophy, treatises on government, studies of social problems. They want to know everything, try everything.

The officials are to be found at their desks at seven-thirty or eight o'clock in the morning. And nine times out of ten when you arrive-your appointment may be at eight-thirty in the morning-you find not anything resembling a professional politician, but a former professor. Apparently Dr. Masaryk has glorified the whole profession. The prejudice is all in their favor. Many of them were actually former pupils or associates of the president. And their business just now is to find some way of putting into practice those theories which they formerly professed.

But though they may be holding themselves with some rigor to a 7:30 or 8 o'clock opening hour, there is one thing for which the officials always have plenty of time: they want you to know about the new Government, to know their great men, to understand their history. They want you to know, also, how they are taking stock of their past, choosing experts for the job, sending to America for specialists, men and

women, to make social and industrial and economic surveys and give a careful diagnosis of their needs.

And there has been between parties, groups, individual men, an eager rivalry to do justice to all, except where justice would have carried retribution, when we are given the spectacle of a modern application of the golden rule. In setting down ideals and principles in their constitution, they went far. "The people are the sole source of all the power of the state"; "Universal suffrage, equal, direct, secret"; "No privilege of sex, birth, or profession is recognized"; "The right to take part in all elections and to hold all offices, state or local, without distinction of sex or race"-all simple, direct, unqualified. And there is something more than justice to be found in that phrase, "without distinction of race," for within its boundaries the new state finds many members of the old oppressing Germanic and Hungarian families, so many in fact that Germans and Magyars have each formed their distinct political parties, which are granted complete freedom and which, through a system of proportional representation, elect to both national and municipal legislative bodies their proper proportion of members. The Czechs have a just pride in this evidence of their belief in democracy, just as they have in the fact that the equality of the sexes for which they have declared has been brought down from the realm of theory and put into practice. Women sit in parliament, are members of municipal councils, and in almost every office in every department of the government there is to be found an able woman standing beside the chief, sharing his work and his responsibility.

The task of fitting the laws to this model of constitutional justice goes rapidly forward. One after another have been passed or are now in process of preparation laws which seek to prevent night work except in essential social occupations; to provide for expectant mothers six weeks rest before and after child-birth, physician, medicine, nurse, and hospital if necessary, sixty per cent. of her regular wages for thirty-nine weeks, or entire support for six months if she nurses her child; insurance for old age, for sickness, and for unemployment; widows' pensions; special protection for emigrants; a venereal-disease act that wipes out state regulation of prostitution, sets up free clinics, makes notification and treatment obligatory, and declares for the single standard; a law that allows illegitimate children to inherit equally with legitimate children; an education bill that will secure vocational training for both boys and girls with special emphasis upon that for girls as an aid in the solution of the problem of the heavy female majority of population which the war has left.

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To nothing are they giving more serious thought than to the matter of education. "The very idea of nationality," says Masaryk, “is for an enlightened person a whole cultural program." The new Government, with none too much money for the many tasks before it, has the difficult problem of building and equipping a whole chain of schools for the country, though in this work it can count upon the widest popular coöperation. In Prague, where there was great need of dormitories for the university students, the city contributed a building site, the state gave the timber from the state forests, one of the departments

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