A literary man was seen in the act of pulling down a statement by the American Consul, and the writer saw several of the proclamations by the British Consul which had been mutilated in certain parts to prevent those parts being read. It was from this fear of the French that the Foochow gentry urged the blocking up of the channel in the river a few miles below the foreign settlement, notwithstanding the opposing wishes of the trading and agricultural portions of the people. The latter classes realized the increased liability of injury to crops from floods and of interference with trade communications at Foochow that would arise from the barriers of sunken vessels and piles of stone which have been made. But the gentry believed that the first danger was that the French would come and attack the city, and hence the passage for vessels must be stopped at all hazards. Chinese warfare was all with which they were familiar, and they knew but too well what the Chinese would do had they the opportunity which the French possessed. Even native Christians and servants would not accept the opinions of their employers, or of the Missionaries, as to the improbability of the French returning here. At the sea-side, every arrival of a new French vessel increased the terror of the servants. Foreigners hoped that the increase of the French fleet inside the river would diminish the probability of there being war, but the natives could imagine only greater danger to the people and to their homes at every French arrival. The fact therefore that the French simply attacked the armed vessels, the government arsenal, and the forts, has been of much value in enlightening the people as to the mode of warfare among western, and professedly Christian, nations.

The alarm of the people generally at the city was very great, both before and after the French attack on the twenty-third of August, nor could any arguments by foreigners relieve it. They feared plundering from their own people in case the French should return. Perhaps no better illustration can be given of the extent of the alarm previous to the battle, than the report brought me concerning one of our oldest Christians. Many had already moved their families to safer places, as they believed, in the country, but this man's friends would not consent to go where there were Christians residing, and so he had remained at his home in the city. But his fear of trouble as soon as an attack should be made was such that, he said, there was nothing left for him to do but, on hearing the sound of the first French cannon, to take his wife and children, with what little they could carry, and flee into the country, leaving everything else to the plunderers. Such was the general expectation of disturbance in the city as soon as the French should.

open fire at the anchorage ten miles away. People who had means moved their families away in all directions, some sending them as far as Yenping, one hundred and twenty miles up the river. People of small means moved only short distances and returned after they had learned to discredit the false reports they had heard. Some families moved several times, going away at some alarming report and returning after it had subsided. This moving away of the people and the stoppage of most kinds of business have been a great pecuniary loss. Many families, too, suffered in health from crowding into uncomfortable quarters at the sickly season of the year, and numerous deaths occurred. Witnessing this excitement among the people serves to give one a vivid sense of the insecurity of life and property that exists in times of war among the heathen, and it may help one to understand how much in case of war the people of western nations owe to the beneficial effects of Christianity.

It was some time after the French had left the river, and the Chinese had blocked up the passage to the city, and had repaired the forts and built new ones along the river banks, that the fear of a new French invasion subsided. But the mounting of heavy ordnance, recovered from the sunken steamers, in forts on shore, the coming of troops with the new Viceroy and the High Imperial Commissioner Tso, with the recent lack of brilliant successes on the part of the French, have all tended to reassure the people and cause business to return as far as possible to its ordinary channels.

But, one point that will be of especial interest to all foreigners is, how it has come to pass that the scattered and unprotected foreign community at Foochow has escaped unharmed through this time of war and excitement. It is true that the danger was imminent and appreciated, so that all possible precautions were taken, but there seem to have been several particular causes which combined to secure the favorable result. One was the long delay of the French in making the attack on the Chinese fleet and forts. It was forty days after the first French man-of-war entered the river before the first fight occurred. This long delay, though so trying to the patience of all parties, was a providential benefit in affording time for the people at Foochow to learn that there was a difference in nationality between the various foreigners resident here. This delay was well improved by some of the foreign Consuls in urging the Chinese officials to issue proclamations instructing the people on this point; and such were issued. Again, we were fortunate in having no French element in the foreign mercantile community, nor among the Protestant or Romish missionaries. When the crisis drew near, it was found that there were no French at the port, aside from the Consul

and his wife, the only business agent of that nationality and the French instructor at the Arsenal, having left in the early part of the excitement. This fact, that there were no French residents at Foochow, was stated by official proclamation, and helped to simplify matters, so there was no excuse by which officials or people could plead inability to discriminate between Frenchmen and others.

A third help in protecting foreigners was the fact that the Consuls assiduously informed the Chinese officials of insulting language and of any threatening demonstration of hostility to foreigners, and secured the issue of proclamations forbidding these things. This promptness, exercised in guarding against danger, was of apparent benefit, and reflects great honor on those representatives of foreign powers who performed their duties most faithfully at that trying time.

A fourth means of preservation was in the military arrangements made for the protection of foreigners and of their property. The three or four British men-of-war and the two American war vessels, by their presence and known arrangements for landing a force, were a great protection to us. Some three hundred men could have been landed at once on the rising of a mob. The Chinese people and officials were sensitive as to these arrangements, but they doubtless helped to overawe the turbulently-disposed persons who had threatened to plunder the foreign hongs and residences. So great was the fear of the Cantonese, who are mainly connected in some way with foreign trade, that they raised and equipped at their own expense some five hundred soldiers, who frequently paraded in the neighborhood of the foreign residences. The Chinese officials also stationed five hundred Swatow braves in bands at various points, to guard especially the approaches to the foreign buildings. These Chinese arrangements tended to help in the matter, but the foreign community trusted more to the 'Merlin' and 'Monocacy,' with detachments from other vessels, on board the ships and in cargo boats near at hand, than to the Chinese soldiers, who we feared would not fire on a mob should one rise; and whose officers would probably never dare to give such an order. The com ing into port of a fine German man-of-war the day after the fighting began, aided in making a good impression on the Chinese, although it was unnecessary for it to take part in the especial protective measures which had been previously arranged. The presence of the British and American Admirals at the time of the crisis also exerted an excellent moral influence on the Chinese officials and people.

Another beneficial influence came from providential showers on the afternoon of the fight and on the succeeding night. Soon

after the first booming of the cannon, eight or nine miles away, was heard at Foochow, and the crowds began to gather on the hill near the British Consulate and in the midst of the foreign residences, a heavy thunder shower dispersed them to their homes. Late in the afternoon another thunder shower occurred, and again heavy rain in the night, keeping all within doors and making it an uncomfortable time for plundering. Thus, in the afternoon, many people did not know whether what they heard was the sound of cannon, or the thunder, and were kept from distracting alarm. The favoring providence in regard to the weather was especially remarked upon by native Christians at and near the city.

Two things further contributed to our safely, viz., the crushing defeat which the Chinese experienced, and the comparatively good conduct of the French in the fight and afterwards. At Foochow, in the afternoon, we at first heard all sorts of reports. Some said the Chinese had sunk several of the French ships and only lost a few of their own, but the stories did not agree. When the truth was known, that the whole Chinese fleet had been destroyed, and no French vessel seriously damaged, the Chinese were forced to see their weakness in naval warfare so far as skill, discipline, and commanders were concerned. Some freely admitted the folly of their system, in which they placed a literary man in command, who knew nothing practically of naval affairs, to contend with foreign commanders who had made naval tactics a special study and had long practical experience in them. The Chinese, however, to alleviate the chagrin at their great loss, began to accuse the French of unfairness in not having given proper notice of the fight as promised, and of having taken improper advantage in firing on the Chinese vessels with their anchors down. But leaving this matter of fairness in warfare for naval experts to decide, it is proper to say to the credit of the French, that the writer heard one naval commander, who was an eye-witness of the engagement at Pagoda Anchorage, say, that he thought the French had acted honorably in the fight, unless it were that they had unnecessarily fired on the Chinese who were in the water. They were reported, in the subsequent operations farther down the river, to have fired on some small boats which were ignorantly or foolishly running through the French fleet, killing and wounding some of the occupants. But as the boats were acting contrary to the rules of war, they may have been justified in doing as they did. The Chinese, however, spoke of some pleasant things about the French. Though they could hardly believe that the French picked up wounded men out of the water and cared for them from a good motive, they still told of their kindness in not

harming the boat-people as they went up a creek to destroy armed boats, and of their patting children on the head and motioning to them to run away as they landed at one village, during some of their operations. One man illustrated their skill by stating that they destroyed a fort close by a house without injuring the house, a thing the Chinese could not or would not do. It is well to record these things, as in the midst of this sad strife and carnage, they have exerted some influence for good in favor of foreign nations and of our common humanity. Such conduct on the part of the French has been a surprise to the people, as it was so different from what they would expect of their own soldiers.

But we did not pass through the ordeal without some special dangers. There were several things to excite the suspicions of the Chinese that all foreign nations were not honestly neutral, but were more or less favorable to the French. The sending of telegrams for the French, was one. But one day there was something the matter with the Chinese overland line, and the Chinese had to use the submarine cable, and so both contending parties were treated alike. The coaling and supplying French ships with provisions was another source of complaint. It was said that both the English and Americans were helping the French. But the Chinese were allowed to sell vegetables and fruit to the French ships, almost, if not quite, up to the day of the attack. It was reported that the villagers in trading with the French ships were spying them out, so they could know how to board and capture them.

A more serious danger arose two days after the destruction of the Chinese fleet. A few copies of a notice by the highest officials were posted in conspicuous places, offering rewards for the destruction of French ships and for the heads of French officers and men. This was afterwards said to have been posted at Foochow by the mistake of an inferior official, as it was designed only for the people of a large village a few miles south-west of the anchorage who had boasted of their readiness to capture the French ships if only allowed to do so. But, fortunately, the people at once objected to this notice and some copies were removed the same night. It was thought to be almost an insult for the officials, who had so signally failed after all these costly and careful preparations, to invite the people to undertake so formidable a work. The intention of this notice was said to be, to call out the able man, who, according to ancient precedent, might be expected to arise in time of need and save the country. This was probably designed to save the officials from blame for not having done everything possible to protect China. It would seem to have been with some such