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see so well what ought to be done, that we have not the slightest conception why it is not done. Nor shall we have, until we learn that the prime difficulty is not in ascertaining what is well to be done, but in subduing so many potent, individual human wills to do it. At length learning this, we learn to utter our best individual word of wisdom, and do our best individual deed of strength-subduing what wills we can to this advisable purpose; but having rather more consideration for those who, in larger spheres, with more numerous and more opposed wills more fiercely to contend with, do not acccomplish so quickly as we outside could desire, the objects they and we approve. We become wearied with simple railing, often arising from the merest ignorance-ignorance so deep that it would be impossible to enlighten. We prefer distinct convicting of wrong, distinct proposing of right, and distinct modes of doing it. These we listen to with respect-all else is stamped with a wearisome, monotonous self conceit, that becomes insufferable to us. At length we are disgusted with any fault-finding, and are disposed to take the side of the badgered Minister, who we know is often giving his days and nights to his work, whether he do it in the best conceivable fashion or not, while our friends talk their hour, eat their dinner in comfort, and sleep the night through-getting up in the morning to rail at those who were awake when they were resting, and have finished again their sleep before the others are awake. With all the general truth of Mr. Carlyle's laments about actual corruptions, negligences and omissions, we wish he had more laid to heart one of his own sentences, which would have tied his tongue a little closer to his mouth as regarded actual workers, whether it had stopped it as regards actual evils or not-" to me individually these branches of human business are little known." This is probably the truest sentence in the three Pamphlets.

Successful autocracy requires submissive obedience. The first is demanded by our Author, but he is not disposed himself to accord the other, and his own discontented and disobedient spirit is for the most part the spirit of the people for whose benefit he writes-a spirit which fortunately chiefly manifests itself in both cases by ungoverned talk, rather than by rebellious act. And though it is

neither picturesque nor agreeable, this spirit in our authors and our people is more likely to secure good government in Downing Street, than trying to "weather Cape Horn" with an autocratic Captain and a passively obedient crew. These are the two elements of old Toryism-command and obedience: the old Tory preaches chiefly the last, Mr. Carlyle chiefly the first: but he who preaches either, in fact, preaches the other. Our Author may find a Captain willing to obey the elemental laws, and without consulting hands above or below, be able to get us round Cape Horn -but of course this implies absolute, nay, blind unquestioning obedience in the crew-in which case we sincerely hope Mr. Carlyle will not be on board. This perpetual trumpeting then of the coming Man-and perpetual demand for a Captain to give us all the word of command, is absolute nonsense. As for the rest, we believe that we are in truth usually looking out for the ablest men, and finding them—and as a point of fact, among men willing to govern, the ablest commonly are those who do governand if they don't govern in the best way at all times, we must help to make them. Among our other reverences for Power, we have the reverence not only for the Power that governs well, but for the Power which makes that Power govern well. Finally, therefore, we dissent from our Author's universal contempt of the present, and single aspiration for the future-his despisings of the people, and his longings for a strong-armed Despot-and fancying ourselves born a little too late in the day of human history for this, we are well content to let national conviction precede, or at least accompany all national action.

Notwithstanding these our earnest and sincere objections to the character and tendency of many of the positions assumed in these Pamphlets, we are most truly ready to declare that, like everything else that Mr. Carlyle writes, the present publication is superlatively cleverirresistibly humorous and amusing, full of odd yet apt analogies-rich (when discriminatingly read), with a wise suggestiveness and echoing with solemn notes of warning on the excess of some tendencies of our times. The passage, part of which we now give as a concluding quotation from No. 1, is conclusive on the worth of the experiment of a Republic in the United States; though we do

not of course commit ourselves to Mr. Carlyle's jokes on his American callers. In reply to the question, “Why should not all Nations subsist and flourish on Democracy, as America does ?" our Author replies:

..

"Of America it would ill beseem any Englishman, and me perhaps as little as another, to speak unkindly, to speak unpatriotically, if any of us even felt so. Sure enough, America is a great, and in many respects a blessed and hopeful phenomenon. Sure enough these hardy millions of Anglo-Saxon men prove themselves worthy of their genealogy, and with the axe and plough, and hammer, if not yet with any much finer kind of implements, are triumphantly clearing out wide spaces, seed-fields for the sustenance and refuge of mankind, arenas for the future history of the world;—doing, in their day and generation, a creditable and cheering feat under the sun. But as to a model Republic, or a model anything, the wise among themselves know too well that there is nothing to be said.""I foresee too that long before the waste lands are full, the very street-constable on these poor terms, will have become impossible: without the waste lands, as here in our Europe, I do not see how he could continue possible many weeks. Cease to brag to me of America, and its model institutions and constitutions. To men in their sleep there is nothing granted in this world: nothing, or as good as nothing, to men that sit idly caucasing and ballot-boxing on the graves of their heroic ancestors, saying, 'It is well, it is well.' Corn and bacon are granted, not a very sublime boon on such conditions ! a boon, moreover, which on such conditions cannot last. No! America too will have to strain its energies, in quite other fashion than this; to crack its sinews and all but break its heart as the rest of us have had to do, in thousand-fold wrestle with the Pythons and mud-demons, before it can become a habitation for the gods. America's battle is yet to fight, and we, sorrowful though nothing doubting, will wish her strength for it."-" My friend, brag not yet of our American cousins! Their quantity of cotton, dollars, industry and resources, I believe to be almost unspeakable, but I can by no means worship the like of these. What great human soul, what great thought, what great noble thing that one could worship, or loyally admire, has yet been produced there? None; the American cousins have yet done none of these things. What have they done?' growls Smelfungus, tired of the subject. They have doubled their population every twenty years. They have begotten with a rapidity beyond recorded example, eighteen millions of the greatest bores ever seen in this world before :-that, hitherto, is their feat in History!' And so we leave them for the present; and cannot predict the success of Democracy on this side of the Atlantic, from their example."

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ART. IV. THE BRITISH CHURCHES IN RELATION TO THE BRITISH PEOPLE.

The British Churches in Relation to the British People. By Edward Miall. London, 1819. 8vo. pp. 458.

THIS is a great inquiry,-the condition of Religion in this Land, the feebleness of its spirit and administration, with the causes of this poverty. And Mr. Miall for the most part has brought a worthy spirit to so great a subject, large, earnest, reverent, and peculiarly free from thraldom to traditions and unreal notions. We have, however, to qualify this praise. In a work on the British Churches, the great English Church, the Establishment, is not even recognised. Mr. Miall ignores its existence. Because of its political constitution and worldly elements, he cannot admit it to be a Church at all. Nor is it eliminated from the inquiry, simply as a cipher. When spoken of at all, it is as a negative quantity of fearful magnitude, destroying more souls than it saves. And Mr. Miall must have maintained this scornful repudiation at some expense. The Establishment must have offered him many tempting illustrations of the prevailing evil qualities which he ascribes to the British Churches,-of the Aristocratic spirit, the Trade spirit, and the Professional bias, yet for all his examples of Aristocratic Pride, of Clerical Frippery and Pomp, and of mercenary Motive, he passes by the Worldly Church, and resorts to the obscurer recesses of Congregational life. Nor in this investigation into the condition and action of the British Churches is anything said of the Roman Catholic Church, nor of any heretical or Anti-Dogmatic Church,—so that, in fact, the title of the book ought to have been, "The Orthodox Congregational Churches in Great Britain, in their Relations to the British people,"-though even this title would be too wide for the ground the investigation covers, inasmuch as all that portion of the British people which vitally belongs to the other Churches is tacitly excluded. In this Mr. Miall has indulged himself in a

sort of perverse consistency in external logic, for his own conception of Religion and its work is thoroughly spiritual, generous, and comprehensive. He has a Gospel idea of the spiritual constitution of a Church, and he passes by whatever is logically excluded by that Idea as though it had no existence. But surely, though he might not choose to call them Christian Churches, it would be but a simple concession to facts to acknowledge that the English Church, and the Roman Catholic Church in England, and the Anti-Dogmatic Church, which by its constitution is not logically excluded from his range of vision, are at least British Churches. We lament this limitation chiefly because we find ourselves in very full agreement with Mr. Miall's conceptions of the nature of religious Life, and of the means by which it may be promoted, and we are sorry that any Church should have escaped the inquisition of so pure an eye, and lost the practical lessons that must have resulted, the special applications of his leading tests that must have instructively presented themselves, from an analysis of its state and workings conducted under the direction of his guiding principles.

We think it of importance to exhibit at some length the harmony that prevails between our Author and ourselves in regard to the essence of Religion, and the proper character of religious Instruments and Institutions. We accept his definitions, his objects, and his criteria. With the exception of some half dozen sentences on the transmission of Adam's sin, we could substantially adopt the whole book. In the present disgraceful altercations and hair-splittings of the Established clergy about speculative figments,-fighting, in the midst of neglected sins, vices, sufferings, popular ignorance and social wrongs, the palpable foes of God and man, " about something," says Mr. Carlyle," that they call prevenient Grace," it is refreshing to find any encouragement for the hope, however far distant its accomplishment, of a Catholic Christianity, in a substantial agreement as to essential objects and sympathies between those who are not dogmatically united, and in a resolute subordination of all instrumental and intellectual things to that religious life which consists in keeping the derived spirit in constant intercourse and fellowship with Him who is its source. There are passages

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