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adventurous Europeans who frequented that port, was admitted into the Chinese army under the command of an American sailor named Ward, and which, on account of its brilliant successes, and following the Chinese practice of adopting high-sounding titles, was called the Ever-Victorious Army.» Ward, after a thorough organization of his foreign contingent, and a series of triumphs over the rebels, was killed in an assault upon the enemy, and the command of the corps devolved upon Colonel Gordon, who was detached from the British army for that purpose. This foreign contingent was the most trustworthy ally of the Chinese general in the suppression of the great rebellion, and much fame has justly come to Gordon for the part he bore in the contest. But there is a general disposition on the part of British writers to belittle the services and smirch the reputation of the American, Ward, who is always styled by them an adventurer.» How he differed from Gordon in that respect is not apparent: but certain it is that he is entitled to the credit of having displayed marked military ability both in organizing his forces and in leading them in battle; and he demonstrated the wisdom of the Chinese commander in enlisting the corps, and its utility as a means of putting down the rebellion. No greater indorsement of his military genius could have been given than by Gordon himself in adopting his organization and following his methods to the smallest details.

Li Hung Chang came out of these campaigns with a high reputation for military skill, great administrative capacity, and devoted loyalty to the reigning dynasty, and was thenceforward the most famous man of his nation. But just at the close of the war an incident occurred which, in the estimation of most foreigners, has remained as a blight upon his fair fame. In the final great battle, which resulted in the capture of the most prominent of the leaders of the rebellion, Gordon, who was instrumental in their actual capture, promised to spare their lives, but immediately after being sent to headquarters they were beheaded. Gordon, who was of an impetuous temperament, denounced this act as a breach of faith, and, it is said, threatened to take the life of Li and to throw up his command. But he did neither. Li claimed that the refractory conduct of the rebel princes after their surrender made the punishment a necessity; and such a cool-headed and experienced man as Sir Robert Hart, with a full knowledge of the facts, held that Colonel Gordon was not justified in his conduct, and

induced him to reconsider his action and judgment. Gordon continued in command for some time, and up to the day of his death at Khartum maintained most friendly relations with the viceroy. Notwithstanding these facts, English writers generally insist that Li was guilty of bad faith and of bloody and inhuman conduct. But it should be borne in mind that the Taiping rebellion was a most desolating and relentless war; that it had destroyed many populous cities; had laid waste nearly one half of the empire; had sacrificed an enormous number of lives, estimated as high as twenty millions; and that the leaders who were beheaded had been guilty of horrid cruelties. Under such circumstances it would not have been strange if even the most civilized and Christian commander, in the flush of victory, should have ordered the execution of the authors of such untold horrors and bloodshed. The sepoy mutiny of India synchronizes with the Taiping rebellion. If the «heathen Chinese should wish to retort upon his foreign critics, he might not find it difficult to parallel his own conduct with that of his civilized neighbors, the rulers of India.

LI'S HONORS AND PROMOTION. THE overthrow of the rebels, and the part he bore in accomplishing this result, brought to him distinguished honors from the throne. He was made an earl, was presented with the yellow jacket (the exclusive emblem of the imperial favor), and was appointed viceroy of an important province. But he was afforded. little opportunity for the exercise of his executive faculties in affairs of peace. The country continued in a state of unrest; new revolts in other parts of the empire broke out, and, as the hero of the Taiping war, he was designated by the Emperor to suppress them. For the next few years he was kept busy with military affairs, and, owing to the difficulty and delays experienced, he more than once suffered reprimands from Peking; but no other man was found equal to the tasks set him, and he always emerged in the end with success, and was the recipient of the renewed gratitude of his sovereign.

As the Taiping rebellion brought him out of the quiet of his father's home, and thrust him into a new and untried career of service, so another unexpected and almost equally alarming event called him from the interior of the country, and from internal warfare, to a service in which he was altogether inexperienced, and which was destined to bring to him new burdens and honors. Since the Anglo

French war of 1858-60, with the occupation
of Peking by foreign troops, and the partial
opening up of the empire as the result of that
war, the conservative or foreign-hating party
had been active in fomenting discontent, and
as the missionaries were the most exposed of
the foreign residents, they were usually the
chief sufferers. The mass of the people of
China are a quiet and peace-loving race, and
if left to themselves there would be little
trouble between them and for-
eigners, and, being naturally
tolerant in religious matters,
they have no prejudice against
the missionaries. But they are
very ignorant, highly supersti-
tious, and greatly under the influ-
ence of the literary and official
class, who are often bigoted and
conceited to the highest degree,
and regard the teaching of the
missionaries as tending to over-
throw the existing order of gov-
ernment and society, which they
look upon as a perfect system,
and sanctified by great antiqui-
ty. Through the circulation of
the most slanderous and incredi-
ble stories against the mission-
aries, they succeed from time to

transferred him to the viceroyalty of another province, and directed Li Hung Chang to come at once to Tientsin, and to take charge of the settlement of the affair. On arrival he issued a proclamation, somewhat high-sounding in its style, but calculated to have its proper effect upon the populace, reciting his achievements in the Taiping and other rebellions, and warning them of what they might expect under his rule if they continued to disturb the

time in stirring up the people to
disorder and riot. The most ter-
rible and bloody of these oc-
curred at Tientsin in 1870, when
a sudden uprising of the popu-
lace, overpowering or carrying
along with them the soldiers,
rushed upon, pillaged, and burn-
ed the French consulate and the
French Catholic cathedral, mur-
dered the consul and priests, and
thence marched to the orphan-
age, destroyed the building, and
murdered the sisters in charge.
The deed sent a thrill of horror
throughout the Christian world,
and led the French government
to demand heavy reprisals, and to assume a
menacing attitude, in which it was supported
by all the representatives of the Western
powers at Peking. The Chinese authorities
were greatly alarmed at the situation. Tseng
Kwo-fan, who had been the generalissimo of
the imperial forces in the Taiping rebellion,
was at the time viceroy of the province of
Chihli, in which the riot occurred; but he was
now an old man, and conservative in his ten-
dencies, and the imperial government, recog-
nizing the gravity of the peril confronting it,

LI HUNG CHANG'S VISITINGCARD.

public peace. This was followed by energetic measures against the participants in the late riot, and order and confidence were at once restored in the community. The negotiations of the French minister with the Tsungli Yamen, or Chinese Foreign Office at Peking, had progressed very slowly and in an unsatisfactory manner, and at the minister's request these negotiations were transferred to Tientsin, and Li Hung Chang was empowered by the Emperor as plenipotentiary to effect a settlement. In a short time he presented to the French minister a proposition which was so complete an atonement for the wrongs and injuries sustaine that the latter promptly ac cepted it, and the danger of another European war, with further humiliation for China, was averted.

THE PRIME MINISTER.

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THE imperial government was so greatly relieved by the happy termination of the affair, and so much impressed with Li Hung Chang's conduct of the negotiations, that it showered upon him new and almost unprecedented honors. In addition to his appointment as viceroy of the province of Chihli, he was named imperial tutor, grand secretary of state, minister superintendent of trade of the northern ports, and a noble of the first rank. These high titles and offices made him from that time to the present, a period of twenty-five years, the first official and statesman of the government under the Emperor. He has often been styled the prime minister of China, but, as a matter of fact, there is no such official in the imperial government. It is nominally an autocracy, the Emperor being

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regarded as the Son of Heaven and the source of all authority. But his person is held so sacred, and he is kept so secluded in his palace, that he has little or no contact with the world, and by personal observation has no knowledge of his kingdom. Its affairs are conducted by a series of boards, constituting a very cumbersome and complex system, and no one man stands at the head of affairs and directs its movements.

Added dignity and importance over that of other viceroyalties attach to that of Chihli in that it is the metropolitan province, Peking being within its limits, and its viceroy is the guardian and protector of the Emperor. In the present case the office of imperial tutor conferred upon its occupant still further and more intimate duties in connection with the imperial household; as, for instance, when His Majesty, a few years ago, made his visit to the tombs of his ancestors, we find the hero of the Taiping war, and the first noble of the empire, giving his personal attention to the details of His Majesty's journey. Another and unusual duty became attached to this viceroyalty. Li Hung Chang had shown such aptitude for diplomatic duties in his negotiations respecting the Tientsin riot that thenceforth The conducted, or participated in, every imporant treaty negotiation or diplomatic controta ersy of his government. Having his residence at the seaport of the capital, for the last quarter of a century he has stood as a sentinel on the outpost of the forbidden city, and for his secluded Emperor has held intercourse with the outside world. Although not holding that position, he has acted as the virtual head of the Chinese Foreign Office, and has shown himself a match for the most astute of the trained European diplomatists. While in this capacity he has been the jealous guardian of his country's interests, he has always secured the confidence and esteem of the foreign ministers with whom he has conducted important negotiations. Probably no living man has received such signal marks of respect from his diplomatic antagonists as he. In the Margary affair, a most serious controversy with Great Britain, he was so straightforward and just in meeting the demands of that government that Sir Thomas Wade was led to make an important concession, «in recognition of the frankness with which he had negotiated this very troublesome business.» In the adjustment of the French conflict with China of 1884-85, the French minister inserted in the treaty a renunciation of all claims for indemnity, in order thereby to pay a mark of regard to the patriotic wisdom

of His Excellency Li Hung Chang.»> When, last year, the Chinese government sent two of its distinguished subjects to Japan to sue for peace, the latter government declined to treat with them; but Marquis Ito, the prime minister, sent a message to Peking that if the Viceroy Li should be sent on such mission, it would be an evidence of sincere intentions, and that he would be received with the highest consideration; and the sequel realized to the greatest extent this estimate of his character and ability.

It would be a tedious task to recite all the duties and events which demanded his attention during his long service as viceroy of Chihli, in addition to those already mentioned. They were of a varied character and of infinite detail in administration, and brought into exercise his versatile talents. He had charge of the supervision of trade in all northern China, a task of no small moment. But that which required much of his time was the reorganization of the army, the building of a navy, and the fortification of the approaches to the capital, a work in which he was greatly hampered by the conservatism of the central government. In addition to periodical revolts, China is often afflicted with disastrous floods and terrible famines, and with many of these the viceroy had much to do. In 1877-78 Chihli and other neighboring provinces were visited by one of the most fearful famines in their history, in which it is estimated that about nine million persons perished. The Viceroy Li was the most prominent agent in staying the ravages of this fatal scourge, and his energy, administrative capacity, and largehearted charity were conspicuously displayed in the measures for relief. He was untiring in securing and bringing supplies into the faminestricken districts; his appeals to his countrymen for relief were persistent and pathetic, and were extended to those in foreign lands; he was active in exposing and punishing peculation of the relief funds, which was common; and he is said to have fed more than a thousand of the starving from his own table daily. His appeals brought generous responses, and it is estimated that from the Chinese provinces $3,500,000 were contributed.

MOURNING HIS MOTHER'S DEATH. DURING his incumbency of the viceroyalty of Chihli an event took place which was of great moment to him, and has for Western readers an interest and a lesson. Little is known of the viceroy's father beyond the fact that he was a respectable member of the

gentry, or literati; but his mother was a woman of more than ordinary strength of character, and evidently had a marked influence on her son's life. She was the mother of eight sons, the eldest of whom also rose to distinction, and was for several years the viceroy of the two provinces of which Canton is the capital. The triumph over the Taiping rebellion brought to Li Hung Chang many adulatory addresses, in which praise his mother shared. As a specimen of Chinese poetry, it may be interesting to make the following extract

from one of these:

Noble lady! eight-bearer borne;
Relict of one distinguished;
Mother of many sons;

Venerable in years, of family famous;
Exalted; having in one

Chief of soldiers and Minister of State;
Wondrous attainment of a son!
Wondrous of a younger son!

In 1882 the old lady fell ill, and the viceroy memorialized the throne, begging for a month's leave of absence from his duties to visit her. As the correspondence is to us so novel, reveals so quaintly the relations existing between the high officials and the throne, and brings out so strikingly the domestic affections of the Chinese people, it will hardly be regarded as prolix if liberal extracts are here given. After the usual formal introduction, and reciting the news of his mother's illness, the viceroy proceeds:

He prays, therefore, that he may be granted leave of absence to go at once to visit her. He states that his mother has been residing for some ten years in the official residence of his brother, Li Han Chang, the Governor of Hukuang. She is eighty-three years of age, and her constitution has hitherto been robust; but last winter she suffered from dysentery, and although the physicians succeeded in stopping the worst symptoms, she still continued feverish at night. At the beginning of spring she was a little better. Memorialist has sent his son, Ching-fong to Hupeh to wait on his mother with food and medicine in his stead, but a letter which he has just received informs him that she is afflicted with a continual cough, and cannot take food and drink in any quantity. She is old, and is breaking up; and the thought of her absent son continually recurs to her, and makes her illness more dangerous. When memorialist heard this his heart burned with anxiety, and his sleep and his food were worthless to him. And since the day in the spring of 1870 when he bade her farewell, thirteen years ago, he has never seen his mother's face. A man has a long lifetime, it is said, to spend in his country's service, and but a short term of years in which he can serve his parents; and now that the illness from which his

mother has long been suffering still continues unabated, memorialist all night long tosses about in his trouble, and not for a single moment is his mind at rest. . . . This [a month's leave] will envisit his mother, and to be a witness of her reable him to make a rapid journey to Wuchang, to covery, and to satisfy in some slight degree the feelings of affection which, as the jay for its parent bird, he entertains for her. What bounds would then be set to his gratitude for such signal kindness on the part of their Majesties? ... The reason for his application for leave, the wish, namely, to visit his mother, he has carefully set forth in the present petition to the throne, which he sends by courier post. He presents this memorial with inexpressible fear and distress of mind.

The month's leave of absence was granted, but meanwhile news came of his mother's death, and he thereupon, in accordance with the practice of the country, resigned all his offices, and memorialized for permission to avail himself of the customary three years' retirement for mourning a mother's death. But the Empress regents denied his request, setting forth in detail that the critical condition of public affairs would not permit of his withdrawal for such a long period, referring to the value of his services in flattering terms, stating that a modification of existing usage was necessary in his case, and that he must retain his offices and be content with a leave of absence of only one hundred days. They conclude:

The questions of the hour are attended with suppress his private sorrow, looking upon the afmuch difficulty, and the viceroy should struggle to fairs of state as of the first importance, and striving to make some return to us for our kindness to him. This will be the conduct that will inspire his mother's mind with the comforting conviction that her son, following the precepts early instilled into him, is devoting himself to the service of his

country.

But this decision failed to convince the

viceroy that filial duty could thus be satisfied, and he addressed a second lengthy memorial to the throne. After recognizing the great kindness and sympathy of their Majesties, he says:

But memorialist feels that he must submit the full expression of his feelings to their Majesties. It is twelve years since, in the dearth of officials, he was appointed to Chihli; his shortcomings have been many, and his merits few. He has repeatedly received marks of extraordinary consideration in being preserved intact in his dignities, and in not receiving censure and punishment. . . . But since he heard of his mother's severe illness his brain has been dull and his eyes heavy. Leave of ab

sence was granted him, but before he could start on his long journey, he received the letter telling of his mother's death. Remorse will consequently haunt him all his life, and there is a wound in his heart that prevents him privately from enjoying a moment's respite from pain, and publicly from being of any service to the state. . . . Even if memorialist, separated beyond hope of meeting from his mother, the living from the dead, were to spend three years in lamentations at her tomb, it would not avail to relieve his soul from the poignant and inexpressible regret he feels for his lack of filial duty. But if, while stunned with grief, he is forced to rise in the mourning garb and attend to business, not only will violence be done to the great principle of filial duty on which the government is based, but comment also will be provoked on the shortcomings of the disciple of Confucius. Though trusted to the fullest extent by his sover

quiet. Public affairs were so pressing that he had often «to rise in the mourning garb, and attend to business.» This unique correspondence brings out one of the most distinguishing traits of Chinese character-veneration for parents, which has become sanctified into religious worship, and also has exercised a marked influence on the political relations of the people, the Emperor being the parental head of the nation. If the fifth commandment of the Mosaic code were as faithfully observed by Christian nations as the central doctrine of the Confucian philosophy is practised by the Celestials, the social order of the Western world would be greatly improved.

A notable event in the life of the Viceroy Li was the commemoration, four years ago, of

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EMPEROR'S INSCRIPTION ACCOMPANYING THE GIFTS SENT TO THE VICEROY ON HIS SEVENTIETH BIRTHDAY.

eign, a sense of shame would continue to harass him. He therefore prays their Majesties, in pitying recognition of the reality of their foolish servant's grief, to recall their commands, and graciously permit him to vacate his posts and observe the full term of mourning, that the autumn frosts and spring dews may, in the course of time, witness some alleviation of his bitter regrets. But though the earth be his pillow, and his bed be of rushes, he is still beneath the canopy of heaven. He is but sixty years of age, and his stay in the thatched hut has a limit. Many are the days left in which to show his gratitude to the state. Thus, little by little, now with loud weeping and now with silent sobs, has their Majesties' servant told them his piteous tale; and the anxiety with which he awaits their commands is beyond his power to express.

But the viceroy's second appeal was to no purpose. The Empress regents esteemed too highly his usefulness to the government to allow him to resign his offices, or to retire from the public service for three years, and adhered to their original resolution to grant him only one hundred days' leave of absence; and even that he was not allowed to enjoy in

his seventieth birthday, which was made the occasion of great demonstrations of respect. The Emperor sent various rich and appropriate gifts, with flattering inscriptions written with his own hand; the Empress dowager, a woman of great ability, and the ruling spirit of the government for the last twenty years, vied with her imperial ward in her gifts; subjects of high and low degree, and foreign residents, lavished upon him presents and mementos; processions, ceremonies, and banquets in Chinese profusion were the order of the day; and all culminated in an address signed by the leading officials throughout the empire, written by Chang Chi-tung, next to the viceroy the most honored and influential man in the government, and often his political opponent. As a specimen of Chinese eulogy, an extract will be interesting:

You are altogether to be admired; in literature deep, in warcraft terrible, in perception acute, in genius sublime, you are entrenched on every side, unassailable.

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