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Webster in their round of visits. They gathered under his windows, and demanded a speech, and would take no refusal, though told repeatedly that he was not well, and had retired for the night. He appeared finally with great reluctance, and in a brief speech, which contained no mention of Scott, said: «Of one thing, gentlemen, I can assure you: that no one amongst you will enjoy a sounder night's sleep than I shall. I shall rise in the morning, God willing, to the performance of my duty with the lark, and though I cannot equal him in sweetness of song, he will not greet the purpling east more joyous and jocund than I.»

He left Washington soon afterward for Marshfield, where a few weeks later he died. Harvey records that he was unable to reconcile himself to Scott's nomination, saying only a few days before his death that Scott, if elected, would be a mere tool in the hands of the New York Whig regency, headed by William H. Seward»; and adding, «if I had a vote, I should cast it for General Pierce.>> His fall was due to himself. He had sought to meet Weed's test of availability» by abandoning his championship of human freedom, and becoming, not merely the apologist for, but the defender of, slavery. «His character,» says Goldwin Smith, in his «Political History of the United States,» «to which the friends of freedom in the North had long looked up, fell with a crash like that of a mighty tree, of a lofty pillar, of a rock that for ages had breasted the waves. Some minds, willing to be misled, he still drew after him, but the best of his friends turned from him, and his life ended in gloom.>>


THE conventions of 1860 brought keen personal disappointment to men in both parties. Douglas, after many years of eager pursuit of the Democratic nomination, succeeded in getting it from only one wing of his party, and under circumstances which made it virtually worthless. Seward, supported by as able and powerful a body of followers as ever candidate had before or has had since, failed to get the Republican nomination when it seemed safe within his grasp. Thurlow Weed found himself, in the Republican convention, in the same condition to which his adroit leadership had brought Clay's friend Tyler in the Whig convention just twenty years earlier; for he says, in his «Autobiography,» that when Seward's defeat came he was completely unnerved,» and «even shed tears.»

George William Curtis, whose eloquent plea against striking from the platform the opening words of the Declaration of Independence had taken the convention by storm, carrying away all opposition like chaff, was scarcely less dejected than Weed, his sad appearance prompting his distinguished colleague and fellow-worker, William M. Evarts, to say, as he slipped his hand through his arm while leaving the convention hall, « Well, Curtis, at least we saved the Declaration of Independence.» Seward was more philosophical than his friends. He sat calmly in his library in Auburn, awaiting the news from the convention. His neighbors were assembled in the village telegraph office, confidently expecting his nomination. When the news of Lincoln's came instead, not one of them had the heart to take it to him. His son, in his << Memoir »> of his father, says he knew by their failure to bring good news, that there was no news that friends would love to bring.» Later, when some one mustered courage to visit him, he was told that no Republican could be found in Auburn who felt like writing the customary paragraph in the evening paper announcing and opposing the nomination. He smiled, and, taking up a pen, wrote a few lines commending the platform, and saying that «no truer or firmer defenders of the Republican faith could have been found in the Union than the distinguished and esteemed citizens upon whom the honors of the nomination have fallen.» In a letter to Weed, written on the same day, he said: "I wish that I was sure that your sense of the disappointment is as light as my own.»>

There were several manifestations of grim humor about the Democratic convention which had so much difficulty in getting a ticket into the field. When it first met in Charleston, S. C., the Northern delegates received a disagreeable intimation of the way in which their party had come under the domination of the slave power. It is recorded, in Garrison's «Life,» written by his sons, that when they tried to march through the streets at night with a military band at their head, which they had brought from New York, they were told that they came under the municipal law of slavery, which forbade band-playing after ten o'clock at night in the streets, since the drums might be mistaken for the dread alarmsignal of a slave uprising. Later, when the adjourned convention reassembled in Baltimore, the temporary flooring above the parquet of the theater in which the sessions were held gave way in the center, and the delegates found themselves sliding down the shelving

sides of a pit into a human maelstrom, from which they were extricated with much difficulty. This the opposition press of the time commented upon as an ominous sign of the forthcoming dropping out of the bottom of the party. In the same sessions at Baltimore Benjamin F. Butler of Massachusetts made a charge that forged tickets of admission had been issued, two of which he exhibited, and declared: « We are overwhelmed with outsiders. I do not propose to sit here under this fraud.» The redoubtable Isaiah Rynders asked Mr. Butler, with much eagerness, where he got the tickets, saying he was anxious to get some of his friends into the convention. Before this question was disposed of it caused a violent altercation between a Mr. Randall and another Pennsylvania delegate, in which the «lie was exchanged » with great force and freedom, and after adjournment Randall's son struck his father's opponent a «staggering blow between the eyes,» and the latter responded by «getting one in on young Randall's ear, leveling him to the ground.>>

LINCOLN'S CONFIDENCE OF RENOMINATION. THERE was little of special interest in the conventions of 1864 and 1868. The Democrats were without hope, and the Republican candidates, Lincoln and Grant, were virtually unopposed in the conventions which nominated them. Lincoln was so thoroughly assured of his renomination that he went about his duties as usual, not giving the slightest indication to his associates that he was aware that a convention was in session. He was engaged at the War Department in telegraphic communication with General Grant, who was then in front of Richmond, and the first news which he received from the convention was the announcement that Andrew Johnson had been nominated for Vice-President. This is strange,» he said reflectively, as recorded by Lamon in his «Recollections.» «I thought it was usual to nominate the candidate for President first.» His informant was astonished. Mr. President,» said he, «have you not heard of your own nomination? It was telegraphed to you at the White House two hours ago."


PROBABLY no more grievously disappointed men ever left a convention than the Adams contingent of the Liberal movement of 1872. They had gone to the Cincinnati convention, which was really nothing but a national massmeeting, confident of their ability to nominate

Charles Francis Adams for the Presidency. Their chances of doing this had been injured seriously by the publication, a few days before the convention met, of a private letter from Mr. Adams, in which he expressed his indifference to the nomination, and said that if he was expected to give any pledges or assurances of his own honesty "you will please to draw me out of that crowd.» The phrase << that crowd » was regarded as somewhat contemptuous, and was used with great effect by the Republican party press to injure the movement. It undoubtedly brought about the defeat of Mr. Adams, though I am assured by Mr. Schurz, who presided over the convention, that the supporters of Mr. Adams felt so confident of his nomination on the sixth, or final, ballot that they refrained from making special effort to secure it. They were dumfounded when, instead of going for Adams, the convention was «stampeded » for Greeley. There have been many accounts given of their feelings when they realized what had happened, but I do not remember ever having seen in print the explanation of their situation which was given by Mr. Isaac H. Bromley, who was an Adams delegate from Connecticut. Mr. Bromley was sitting with the other dejected ones, and was asked what he was going to do next. Heaving a sigh, he said, "I think I will go over and see the other Mammoth Cave in Kentucky.»


NEXT to Clay, Blaine was a Presidential candidate for a longer period than any other man in our history. His name was before the conventions of 1876, 1880, 1884, 1888, and 1892, a period of nearly twenty years. He failed of a nomination in four conventions, and was nominated in one, only to be defeated at the polls. Until the last trial he maintained his courage, and if he felt bitterness toward his successful rivals he kept it from the public observation. When, in 1876, he came within a few votes of a nomination only to see the prize captured by Hayes, he did not sulk for a moment, but at once sent a telegraphic message to the nominee, offering his «sincerest congratulations,» and saying it « will be alike my highest pleasure, as well as my first political duty, to do the utmost in my power to promote your election.» He was equally prompt and cordial when Garfield was nominated in 1880, and when Harrison was made the candidate in 1888 he telegraphed from Scotland his hearty congratulations,» predicting for his campaign the «triumphant en

thusiasm,» and «victorious conclusion » which followed his grandfather's nomination in 1840. Only in 1892 did his buoyant spirit, which had rallied under so many disappointments, fail him; but then the shadow of death was upon him, and disease had undoubtedly affected his mind. He resigned from President Harrison's cabinet a short time before the convention met, in order that his appearance as a candidate against his chief might be less unseemly; and when Harrison was renominated he was unable to send him a word of congratulation, contenting himself with congratulating the nominee for Vice-President. John Sherman's conduct in defeat betrays less fortitude and self-restraint than that of any other candidate we have ever had. He is the first to charge his rivals, not only with a corrupt bargain,» but with the direct purchase of votes. Mr. Sherman was first a candidate in 1880; and when Garfield, who had acted as his champion and spokesman in the convention of that year, was nominated, he did not wait an hour, but telegraphed him instantly congratulating him with all my heart.» He was not before the convention of 1884, but in 1888 he was the leading candidate, receiving the highest number of votes on six ballots, coming once within sixty-seven votes of a nomination. He says, in his «Recollections,» published only a few months ago, that he expected the nomination, and that he believed then and believes now that he was defeated by one of the delegates from New York, who practically controlled the whole delegation, and who made a corrupt bargain, which transferred the great body of the vote of New York to General Harrison. He absolves Harrison of all knowledge of this bargain, and says he refused to carry it into execution. Mr. Sherman goes even further than this, saying that he had conclusive proof» that the friends of another candidate «substantially purchased the votes of many of the delegates from the Southern States, who had been instructed by their conventions to vote for me.» These extraordinary charges, it should be borne in mind, are not made in the first heat of anger and disappointment, but are set down deliberately in a book and published fully seven years later.

CONVENTION SAYINGS-FAMOUS AND OTHER. PERHAPS the most famous and enduring of all convention sayings was that of Mr. Flanagan of Texas, who exclaimed, in « amazement and surprise, when a resolution pledging the party to civil-service reform was offered in the Republican convention of 1880, «What

are we here for except to get office?» Four years later General Bragg, in the Democratic convention, made his scarcely less famous declaration of the chief reason why the young men of the country were in favor of Grover Cleveland: «They love him most for the enemies he has made.» These have been adopted into our political language and literature, and are likely to remain there permanently. Colonel Ingersoll's "plumed knight» passage, which so stirred the Republican convention of 1876, and gave Mr. Blaine his most popular political title, is not likely to be so enduring: but it is worth recording, as one of the most perfect specimens of that type of political oratory: «Like an armed warrior, like a plumed knight, James G. Blaine marched down the halls of the American congress, and threw his shining lance full and fair against the brazen forehead of every defamer of his country and maligner of its honor.>> Another speech, not so famous, but far more powerful at the time of its delivery, was that of Garfield, in the Republican convention of 1880, in which he opposed and defeated Senator Conkling's effort to have the unit rule adopted. Mr. Conkling was seeking to carry his point with an amount of arrogance which has never been equaled in any convention. He had gone so far as to stalk half the length of the huge convention hall, and force a delegate, who was objecting to his proposal, down into his seat by placing his hands upon his shoulders, and roaring at him, «Sit down, sir! sit down!» Garfield, who had not been thought of as a candidate, took the floor against Conkling, closing a brief and ringing speech with the words, « Adopt the unit rule if you will, and I will be bound by it; adopt the individual rule, and I will be bound by that, for two great reasons: first, because you make it the rule; second, because I believe it to be everlastingly right.» This phrase, «everlastingly right,» stirred the convention like the sound of a trumpet, and when the delegates began later to look for a candidate upon whom they could unite, it was still ringing in their ears, and led them to turn to him as the man nearest their hearts. When General Grant received word that Garfield had been nominated in preference to himself, he said, with characteristic brevity and composure: "It's all right. I am satisfied.>>


THE great modern convention assemblages: which are at once the most impressive and most tumultuous in the world, date from the

convention which nominated Lincoln in 1860. That was the first to have a special building erected for its use, and the first to bring the telegraph wires and instruments into the building itself. Since then enormous structures, capable of holding from 10,000 to 15,000 persons, have been considered essential, and their use has added greatly to the mass-meeting character of the conventions, while, at the same time detracting seriously from their deliberative character. Indeed, the popular attendance outnumbers many times the size of the real convention, for the delegates and their alternates together do not aggregate 2000. The other 10,000 or 12,000, who nearly or quite surround the convention, and overlook it from the galleries, are said to represent the people, and bring the convention more closely in touch with the popular will. As a matter of fact, a large proportion of them are there in the interest of various candidates, and are prepared to assist, whenever occasion offers, in making a «demonstration» or in starting a «stampede.» Perhaps the most tumultuous convention ever held was that of the Republicans at Chicago in 1880. Fully 15,000 persons were in attendance upon its regular sessions, and «demonstrations » were of frequent occurrence, sometimes as often as twice or three times in a single session. At one of the early evening sessions the mention of General Grant's name started a wild uproar, which lasted for thirty minutes. The whole vast assemblage appeared to take part in it. In the center of the hall, where the New York delegation sat, appeared the majestic figure of Roscoe Conkling, standing upon a chair, and slowly waving to and fro the delegation's banner, which was floating from a tall staff, while from all parts of the hall there came a roar as steady and solid and deep as that of Niagara. In one part of the hall a great body of people could now and then be heard singing «Glory, glory, hallelujah,» and in another part others singing « Marching through Georgia.» Thirty minutes by the watch this pandemonium reigned, and then it died out from sheer exhaustion. Scarcely had calm been restored when the mention of Blaine's name started a fresh outbreak, a great roar rising from all parts of the house at once. Flags, parasols, umbrellas, shawls, and handkerchiefs were waving frantically in all directions, and in the height of the din a well-dressed woman, who was standing on the platform, leaped upon the pedestal of a small statue of Liberty in front of her, and, leaning forward over its

head, waved a parasol wildly to and fro, at every swing of which the huge crowd cheered. Then she caught up a flag, and, winding it about her figure, called anew for cheers for Blaine, arousing an indescribable tumult. In the Maine delegation was to be seen the figure of Senator Hale, standing on the shoulders of his colleagues, and holding high in air upon its staff the shield of the State of Maine. All the time the steady roar of thousands of throats continued without a perceptible break, till, having been kept up for thirtyfive minutes, five minutes longer than the Grant roar, it died out as suddenly as it had begun. Thus for more than an hour the convention had transformed itself into a howli mob, for no other purpose than to show t one candidate had as many friends present. the other. Previous to these outbreaks there had been a similar one, a day earlier, when Blaine's name was mentioned, and there were still others when the nominating speeche were made; but nothing was accomplished any or all of them, for neither Grant Blaine was nominated. There were simil. demonstrations for Blaine and others in th conventions of 1884, 1888, and 1892, lasting from twenty minutes to a half-hour each.

It is a fact that none of the most systematic efforts to «stampede » a convention by these methods has succeeded. Usually the mine has been exploded too soon. The demonstration has been made so far in advan of the balloting that its force has b wasted. Then, too, systematic preparat. for «stampeding» have been met by equa. systematic efforts to counteract them. Nobody is taken by surprise, and consequently nobody is carried off his feet. The balloting goes on precisely as if the demonstrations had not been made. As a matter of fact, the controlling power in nearly all conventions does not lie either in the delegates, or in the political bosses who direct so many of them, or in the ten or twelve thousand people who get into the convention building. It rests in the people who are outside, but whose influence is exerted during every moment that the convention is in session. The final, deciding question is not, Which candidate do we most desire to nominate? but, Which candidate can we be most certain to elect? To answer that intelligently the most sagacious minds in every conventionlook beyond the shoutinggalleries, with their few thousands of personally interested spectators, tothetwelve millions of voters scattered over the land, and seek to read in advance their answer at the polls.

Joseph B. Bishop.


Gold the Money of Civilization.

THE most conspicuous fact in the financial history of the world for the last hundred years is the coming, one after another, of all the great nations to the single gold standard of value. Why have they done this? Extreme advocates of free silver say it is due to a conspiracy against silver; but even they do not believe that. It is due ather to a natural process of evolution. Gold has been nd by practical experience to be many times superior any other metal for the purpose in hand. For many years its superiority to silver was formally recognized as about sixteen to one; that is, it was sixteen times as useful as a medium of exchange, sixteen times as stable in value, sixteen times as convenient in weight, xteen times as valuable in the eyes of the people. At present time it is regarded as thirty-two times as sirable for all these reasons.

Every nation is merely a collection of individuals. It s the individual who decides this question of a standard of value. Who ever heard of an individual who wished to hoard money who did not select gold for that purpose? Who ever heard of an individual who had money to lend who did not wish to have payment guaranteed in gold? Who ever heard of an individual who had something to sell who did not wish to have payment made to him in the best money known-that is, gold? All ade is conducted through individuals, and the kind of ney which individuals prefer is the kind of money ch is used in trade. Edward Atkinson has pointed that all international trade, from its very beginning, has been carried on without any legal tender money, but simply in gold. He contends that if gold were to cease to be coined as money, international trade would still be carried on with it by means of bills of exchange drawn for so many ounces and grains of gold. This would be done, not through hatred of silver, or in accordance with a gold-bug conspiracy,» but simply as a necessity; for gold, more than any other metal known to man, contains the qualities absolutely essential for a medium of exchange.

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We accept the results of human experience extending over many years in other matters; why not accept them in this? Why is all value, even that of silver, estimated or measured in gold? Is that the result of a conspiracy? One by one all the objections against a single gold standard have been refuted by the progress of events. It was said that we must have a double standard, or bimetallism, because there was a scarcity of gold in the world, due to a diminishing supply; that this scarcity had caused an appreciation in the value of gold, and hence a fall in prices; and that, since there was not enough gold in the world to do the business of the world, silver must be called in to help us out. All these assertions fell with a crash when it was shown that, instead of a diminution in the supply of gold, VOL. LII.-40.

there has been during the last few years a very large increase. The fall in prices could not have been due, therefore, to an appreciation in the value of gold caused by a scarcity of that metal; for the supply has been made, by the increasing annual product, far greater than ever before in the world's history.

What, then, is the matter with the gold standard? Why should gold be made an object of hatred, and silver an object of adoration? To come down to individuals again, what man who has something to sell, either goods or labor, objects to gold in payment, or prefers silver to it? What man who has money to lend prefers payment in silver rather than in gold? If there be any such, why does he hate gold, since he can always be paid in silver if he prefers it? We doubt if there be any such; but if there be, he is a rare exception. An overwhelming majority of the people, not only of this country, but of all civilized countries, not only prefer gold or its equivalent, but insist upon having it. So determined are they about this that if the world were to discard the gold standard to-morrow, its business would still be carried forward on a gold basis; for in that way alone could it be continued. International trade would be conducted upon it, and that would set the standard for all other trade; but aside from that, the necessity for a fixed and stable measure of value would make recourse to gold an absolute necessity. Any man who ever had any dealings with money knows these to be the very rudimental principles of trade, and it seems almost childish to state them here.

But, as a matter of fact, our whole treatment of the money question in this country during the last twenty years has been a reflection upon the national intelligence. We have shut our eyes, or our Congresses have, to the results of human experience throughout the world, -to the results of our own experience even, -and have said, «We will try this matter all over again for ourselves.» We have made a fetish of silver, and a devil of gold, personifying both in a manner worthy of a nation of heathen. But in all this we have not affected one iota the great facts of the case. Silver has not been helped, and gold has not been injured. Our opinions and our Congressional decrees have been powerless in the face of one great fact-the bullion price of the two metals in the markets of the world. So will it be till the end of the chapter. We have rolled up for ourselves many millions of dollars of debt, have done incalculable harm to our business and industrial interests, and have made American intelligence and capacity for government the jest of the world; but gold and silver remain as unaffected as if we had never given them a thought.

Has not this folly gone on long enough? There are many signs that the turning-point has been reached; that the people are realizing the fact that they have been deluded in this matter. For the first time in many


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