her husband's grave, and her wish to go again and do what little she could to lead. them to the Savior so dear to her.

At the close of the addresses a prayer so fervent that it seemed to have caught the fire of those warm hearts, was offered for them and their work, and then one of the most honored and beloved missionaries of America, a man who fifty-six years ago gave himself to the heathen world, bade the missionaries God-speed in behalf of the Union as they went to their fields.

[August,

If there be another gathering like the one sketched, the writer has yet to learn about it. While the men and women composing it were intensely human, and as practical, they seemed to live in another spritual atmosphere than surrounds the multitude of human beings. Wit, humor and fun abounded; nor were the weaknesses of humanity hidden; yet there was a something pervading that assembly that inspired with its faith, thrilled with its enthusiasm and filled with its spirituality.

SR. TORRES was a student of the Rev. Messrs. Simonton, Blackford, Schneider and Chamberlain, and one of the group of four young men that constituted the beginning of the native Brazilian ministry. Of these four, Sr. Trajano is pastor in Rio, Sr. Carvalhosa is editor of the Emprensa, and Sr. Antonio Pedro preceded his brother of the ministry in entering upon his reward.

During many years Sr. Torres has been an invalid and 17 years ago he came to Caldas to die. But the cool, dry air gave him a new lease of life and he lived to plant the Gospel in this region, with half a score of books and tracts, and became the foremost figure in the Brazilian church. He received hundreds into the fellowship of Christ, preached in every hamlet over an area as large as the state of Connecticut, and is the spiritual father of five strong churches. His books have reached even more than his voice. His "Life of Christ" is the only work of the kind in good Portuguese. "The Church of Rome an Obstacle to the Gospel" has opened the eyes of hundreds to the follies and idolatry of Rome, while his other works

have commanded more readers than those of any other Brazilian Protestant.

His

As

But it was as a wise counselor and Christian leader that he was best known and will be missed most widely. voice was always for peace. His presence calmed and his courage inspired every council of which he was a member. Moderator of the Synod of 1891, (the first Brazilian chosen to that office), he rendered the Church inestimable service. To him more than to any other is due the harmony that rules within our borders to-day.

Personally, he was a delightful man. Child-like in his trust in Christ he was one of those who bless equally by what they do and by what they allow to be done for them. He walked with God.

His last illness was protracted but the final struggle was brief and painless. He had often expressed a wish to go to his Master and at the last a smile lighting up his face showed that he saw Him face to face.

This death, with that of Dr. Lane of Campinas, and Mr. Carrington's return to the States, removes three workers from that region. Who is ready to fill the gap?

1892.]

In the forthcoming Congress of Religions to be held in Chicago in connection. with the Columbian Exhibition, all the religions of the East are to be represented and are to plead their merits before the American public. It is understood that Sir Edward Arnold will be the champion of Buddhism, and Hon. Ameer Ali, of India, is to plead the cause of Islam. He will be remembered as the author of an article in the Nineteenth Century of June, 1891, on the status of woman under Islam. His article was called forth by representations of woman's condition in Mohammedan countries, which had been given by Mrs. Annie Reichardt and which accorded with the general testimony of twelve centuries as to the degradation inflicted on the sex by the Mohammedan customs and the authority of the Koran. It is a feature of the times that no system of error and no enormity of custom, law or belief fails to find somebody to take up its defense. Ameer Ali's article deals in large part with assailments on Christianity, its doctrines and observances and the moral effect of its teachings upon society. Coming at length to the discussion of the real question before him, he tries to make it appear that in all countries Mohammedanism has been an untold blessing to woman. This he

129

does by selecting from the annals of various countries those few exceptional cases where romantic sentiment has secured high honor to favorites, or where great talents have challenged respect. The degredation which the millions of Mohammedan women have suffered in all lands are passed in silence, and the intelligent people of the nineteenth century are asked to condone a tyranny only equalled by that of laws of Manu. The jibes and sneers of Ameer Ali toward Christianity, the facts selected from the Dark Ages or from the rude inconsistencies of the early church, the bigotry of Romanism, the tyranny and cruelty of Russia, the vices sometimes witnessed under the conventual system of southern Europe or South Africa,—all these are made use of with a facility which shows diligent use of those full quivers of weapons which have been furnished ready to hand by the alliance of western infidelity. A cheap familiarity with all the shortcomings and blemishes of the Christian Church in all the centuries, and in all lands is now placed wholly within the reach of any Hindu, Buddhist or Mohammedan who desires to make use of them against the Christian church and its missionary operations.

of real prop

erty in residences, chapels, hospitals, school buildings and printing presses has been acquired, renders the question of serious alienation between the Chinese Government and our own a very grave matter.

The Chinese Minister at Washington, stung with indignation at the recent legislation and its hasty approval by the National Executive, is reported to have aid, "If this thing goes on for twenty

130

years to come as it has for twenty years past there will be no Chinese in America and no Americans in China."

A few months ago the Chinese Government proclaimed an edict requiring of its local governors to extend full protection to foreigners in life and property, and under that order a more complete and friendly recognition was granted to missionaries and other foreign residents than had been enjoyed for several years past, or, indeed, ever before. But telegraphic communication now makes the tone of sentiment prevailing at Washington quickly felt in Peking and in some of the provinces, and correspondence recently received from China shows that the arbitrary abrogation of treaties on our part is coming to be regarded as an insult and an outrage by the intelligent classes of Chinese.

It is not our purpose to criticise any department of our Government: the difficulty lies back of our legislation: it is in the public sentiment of the constituencies. Legislators are governed by the pressure which comes from the masses who wield the power of suffrage. Possibly the recent Exclusion Bill was thought by some real friends of the Chinese to be the best that could be carried, against others that were fraught with still greater injustice. The difficulty is that the very worst elements in the country are clamoring for the most rigid exclusion of the Chinese at whatever sacrifice of justice or national honor, while the better sentiment of the people is silent and inactive. labor organizations, the sand-lot agitators, the political brokers, the laundry associations (mostly of European immigrants)all these are forces which neither slumber nor sleep. The zeal and effort engendered by selfish intersts are as unwearied as the sweep of the tides, as constant as the law of gravitation, while Christian sentiment, philanthropy and the love of justice to the oppressed are often lax or indifferent.

The

[August,

Even Christian men fall insensibly under the debased ethical notions that bear sway, and they come at length to speak of the necessity of "laying aside sentiment" and judging of great public questions in the light of "national interest." This same kind of argument has been used over and over again with reference to our national wrongs toward the Indians, and a generation ago it was applied to negro slavery: England has long applied it to the opium trade.

It is with a view to arousing a more active Christian sentiment in regard to the Chinese that venture to present this plea. If the laundry associations vote as they did some months ago that "the Chinese laundries must go "-though the Chinese first developed that industry; if hoodlums at the corners of the streets are emboldened by our apathy to assault the inoffensive Chinamen at will shall Christian men have nothing to say? Shall the churches, and ecclesiastical courts be silent? While labor organizations are constantly debasing the public conscience and overriding all principles of justice for the sake of selfish gain shall not missionary societies and all benevolent and philanthropic organizations exert their influence for justice and humanity?

Our complaint is not against restrictive laws: We believe that Chinese immigration should be carefully limited; but we complain of the manner and spirit in which the laws deal with the subject. We object: (1) To the cruel discrimination by which one nation with whom we have formed solemn treaties is subjected to a kind of treatment which we visit upon no other. Article VI of the so-called Burlingame Treaty of 1868 reads in part as follows"And reciprocally Chinese subjects in the United States shall enjoy the same privileges, immunities and exemptions with respect to travel or residence as may be enjoyed by subjects of the most favored nation."

1892.]

But not only are the Chinese denied rights accorded to worthy citizens of the most favored nations like England or France, but their treatment is in shameful contrast with that exercised toward the lowest and most degraded immigrants from Europe who soon wield the power of suffrage and even rule the cities that

welcome them.

of

(2) We complain of the fact that our laws place the Chinese almost wholly at the mercy of any white citizen of whatever nationality who happens to hold the office of commissioner or justice and who under constant temptation to win the votes of the lower multitudes by summary preceedings against the proscribed race may exercise the power a ruthless dictator and tyrant. The average Chinaman, without a knowledge of our language and with only a vague apprehension of the laws, always finds it difficult to defend himself; and yet any failure is visited with severe punishment. According to the present law " any Chinese person or person of Chinese descent, convicted and adjudged to be not lawfully entitled to be or remain in the United States shall be imprisoned at hard labor for a period of not exceeding one year and thereafter removed from the United States as hereinbefore provided. "

To confine him at hard labor for a year or less before sending him back to China seems a spiteful and cowardly exaggera tion of his hardship. Is this the evenhanded justice that places China on the same level with "the most favored nations?" Would our government attempt such a course of proceeding with citizens of the great Powers of Europe?

A further wrong is done in the provisions which virtually exclude the testimony of Chinamen on questions of previous res idence: at least one credible white witness is required.

(3) A wrong is done to the Chinese Gov

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ernment by failing to make the proposed changes in our exclusion laws a matter of consultation. Our first treaty with China made by Hon. Caleb Cushing in 1845 stipulated that the terms of the treaty should be changed by China (and inferentially by the United States) "only in consultation with the repesentatives of the other contracting power." But this is just what we in our recent action failed to do, and the Chinese Minister had reason to complain and feel indignant.

As in our relations to the Indians, so with respect to the Chinese, our treaties have been so often violated that it seems to be considered a farce to regard any longer even the forms of treaty. We make regulations to suit ourselves and our supposed interests, as if no agreements had ever been made or thought of.

There has been an evolution downward in our diplomacy with China since 1845.

The treaty of that date was full of friendship and reciprocity. The restriction was then on the other side; it was for our interest to cultivate friendly relations. The treaty began thus:

"The United States of America and the Ta Tsing Emperor desiring to establishfirm, lasting and sincere friendship between the two nations have resolved to fix in a manner clear and positive, by means of a treaty or general convention of peace, amity and commerce, the rules which shall be mutually observed in the intercourse of their respective countries."

The treaty of 1868 dealt mainly with privileges sought by the American party in the covenant-among these were several commercial advantages, and also a clear enunciation of religious liberty vouchsafed to our missionaries in China and their native converts. We think it fair to say that whatever outbreaks of mob violence may have occurred, the Goverment at Peking has kept its pledges. The readiness with which it has paid indemnities for pro

perties destroyed by mobs has often been a matter of surprise and admiration.

The Burlingame treaty of 1868 was intended to be an advance in the right direction; largely the aim was that of commercial advantage to ourselves, but there was also a noble plea for justice and friendship. The idea of "reciprocity" which was the one word by which Confucius inculcated the essence of the Golden Rule was made preeminent in the Burlingame. treaty. The whole matter was a matter of congratulation throughout the country. Christians of every name looked upon it as a glorious fulfillment of the prayers which they had been offering for access to the Chinese. In Boston, philanthropic sitizens of all creeds had public rejoicings and Oliver Wendell Holmes read a poem which might be considered a sort of wedding hymn upon the marriage of the East and the West. From that holiday spirit how sad has been the lapse!

The first article of the covenant then agreed upon granted the United States the the right to regulate, limit or suspend" the immigration whenever it should reach such dimensions as "to threaten the good of the country or any particular locality," but it stipulated that "it should not amount to an absolute prohibition of such immigration" and that it "should only re

[August,

late to the laboring classes." This article faithfully carried out would have ensured. all reasonable degrees of protection on our part, would have preserved the respect of the Chinese Goverment and race and would have left us free to exert that great and beneficent influence over China which our geographical position favors. Alas! that this covenant should not have been judged sufficient.

As the question now stands, we have a law which must be obeyed whatever its faults, but there is much that Christian men may do:

(1) They should every where strive to raise public sentiment to a higher plane, to resist the ethical trend of this law, which is gradually debasing the moral sensibility of the nation.

(2) They should as far as possible endeavor to secure fair and just adminstration of the laws toward Chinamen in the communities where they reside and have influence.

(3) They should in all ways try to show to the Chinese whether here or in China, the difference between the Christian attitude of the church and the political attitude of the country.

This difference has been noticed by the Peking authorities and it should be more patent to all people.

The vehicle in which we journeyed was a large wheelbarrow propelled by a man pushing behind and another pulling in front assisted by a donkey hitched between two long ropes.

This kind of wheelbarrow consists of a wooden framework balanced on a large wheel in the center. Two boxes, one con

taining stores, the other books and tracts. were placed at the upper ends of the barrow, and over against these our peitaos, large sacks with a horizontal opening in the centre were spread. These contained our bedding, mattresses, blankets, etc., and made a comfortable seat, while the box formed a back to lean against. Our pur