not have thought of that, if I had not given you a hint." In the reign of queen Anne there was a sage and grave critic of the name of Dennis, who, in his old age, got it into his head, that he wrote all the good plays that were acted at that time. At last, a tragedy came forth with a most imposing storm of hail and thunder. At the first peal, "That's my thunder," said Dennis. So, with the hon. and learned gentleman, there was no noise or stir for the good of mankind, in any part of the globe, but he instantly claimed it for his thunder. All the commercial advantages which the country had reaped by the repeal of the duties on silk or cotton, or the reduction of the taxes; in fact, all popular measures whatever, were selected by the hon. and learned gentleman as his peculiar handy work.

The hon. and learned gentleman was very cautious in his praise. Much had been done to which he could not object; but then, for fear that ministers should feel too proud, he suggested that things might have been better, especially as to time. Now, if he (Mr. C.) piqued himself upon any thing in the South American negotiations, it was upon the point of time. As to the propriety of admitting states which had successfully shaken off their dependence on the mother country to the rights of nations, there could be no dispute. There were two ways of proceeding where the case was more questionable recklessly, and with a hurried course, to the object, which might be soon reached, and almost as soon lost-or by another course so strictly guarded, that no principle was violated, and no offence given to other powers. The three states with which the British

government had to deal, were Buenos Ayres, Colombia, and Mexico: and no earlier could either of them have been recognised. As to Buenos Ayres, it was undoubtedly true that the Spanish forces were sent away many years since; but it comprised thirteen or fourteen small and separate states, which were not till very lately collected into any federal union. Would it not have been an absurdity to have treated with a power, which was incapable of answering for the conduct of the communities of which it was composed? So soon as it was known that a consolidation had taken place, the treaty with Buenos Ayres was signed. Next, as to Colombia. As late as 1822, the last of the Spanish forces were sent away from Porto Cabello, which was, up till that time, held for the king of Spain. It was only since that time that Colombia could have been admitted as a state having a separate existence. Some time after that, however, Colombia chose to risk her whole force, and a great part of her treasure, in a distant war with Spain in Peru. Had that enterprise proved disastrous, the expedition would have returned with the troops to re-establish the royal authority. The danger was now at an end. The case of Mexico was still more striking. Not nine months ago, an adventurer who had wielded the sceptre of Mexico left these shores to return thither, and re-possess his abdicated throne. Was that a moment at which this country ought to have interfered to decide, by recognition, the government for Mexico? The failure of the attempt of that adventurer afforded the opportunity for recognition; and, the instant the failure was

known, the decision of the British cabinet was taken. Therefore, so far from the time being ill chosen, or the measures tardily adopted, it was not physically or morally possible to have anticipated them, even by a few weeks.

Then with respect to the mode in which this object had been effected, he contended that it was the best and wisest that could have been adopted. Those who opposed the course adopted by his majesty's ministers should speak out, and state explicitly why they objected to the mode in which the recognition was effected. Did they intend to argue, that this measure was imperfect, because it was not accompanied by war? Did they dislike it, because it was not accompanied by military preparation? The task which he had to perform was, to arrive at this great object-without giving just cause of war to France or any other power. There might be something mean and huckstering in this mode of proceeding, at least so the hon. and learned gentleman seemed to suppose; but, if he thought that war was not to be had, without some little dexterity, he was exceedingly mistaken. War lay here and here; it was on the right and on the left of our path; our course lay in the middle: we took that course, and arrived at the object of our solicitude honourably and peaceably. Was this mode of proceeding unsatisfactory,

because there did not exist in the archives of the Foreign-office, a single document relative to this question, which Spain had not seen, and of which the powers in alliance with this country had not been supplied with copies? Was this transaction deemed unsatisfactory, because Spain was told, that, if she would take the precedence

in recognising the independence of the colonies, this country would be content to follow her steps, and to allow to her a priority in the markets of those colonies? Was the arrangement unsatisfactory, because, proceeding alone, England disdained to take any unfair advantages of a friendly state? Was it unsatisfactory, because we saw, that whoever might follow us in recognizing the independence of those states, would be placed by our side, and would enjoy equal advantages with ourselves? The hon. and learned gentleman admitted that he approved of the measure, but stated that he disapproved both of the mode and the time. Now, he would say to the hon. and learned gentleman in return, that the credit of the measure might be his, or it might be that of his hon. and learned friend (sir J. Mackintosh); but he (Mr. C.) would claim for himself the merit of that to which the hon. and learned gentleman affixed blame-namely, selecting the time, and devising the mode, in which this object was to be effected. And he trusted, that by this plain conduct, by this temperate this tardy policy, if they pleased so to call it -the country had got rid of all the dangers which otherwise would have accompanied the recognition. Did they not know-could he attempt to conceal that by this step England had offended many interests? Had she not called forth many regrets? Had she not excited much anger ? Had she not raised up considerable ill-feeling? Had she not created passions of no favourable nature? Such was the fact. Still, however, he entertained the most sanguine hopes, that those evil feelings and angry passions would exhale themselves,

and subside in mere words, and. that the peace of the world would continue to be preserved.

The Address was agreed to unanimously, and a committee appointed to draw it up.

On the following day lord F. L. Gower brought up the report of the Address. That gave occasion to another discussion, in which Mr.

Hobhouse, colonel Palmer, sir John Newport, Mr. Hutchinson, and Mr. Denman on the one side, and the chancellor of the Exchequer, and Mr. Peel, on the other, followed respectively nearly the same line of observation, which their several parties had taken in the preceding debate. This discussion, like the former, did not lead to any division.

FROM

ROM the tenor of the discussion on the address, it was apparent that the restraints intended to be imposed on the Roman Catholic Association, would be the first object of contention between the two parties. No time was lost in commencing the struggle. On the second day of the session Mr. Goulburn gave notice, that he would, on the 10th of February, move for leave to bring in a bill to amend certain acts relating to unlawful societies in Ireland. Mr. Brougham pressed for a fortnight's delay; and, this not being conceded to him, he moved that the House should be called over on that day fortnight.

On the 8th of February, a preliminary discussion on the subject of the Roman Catholic Association was excited by a motion of lord Lansdown for the production of any despatches which had been received from the lord-lieutenant of Ireland, relating to political and religious societies existing in that country, their origin, progress, and VOL. LXVII.

consequences. Lord Liverpool answered, that if it were intended that the measure about to be brought forward should rest on official information, or upon any principle of confidence in his majesty's government, there would be fair ground for calling for inquiry or information. But the measure would not be founded on any official information, nor on any principle of confidence in government, nor, indeed, upon any circumstances which might not be equally as well known to any one of their lordships as to his majesty's ministers. It was the boast of the Catholic Association, that all their proceedings were public, and that every thing they did, was done in the face of day. If their lordships should think fit to adopt any measure affecting the Association, they would adopt it on facts which were admitted by the Association, and which no member of it would deny. Besides, the motion was unprecedented, and had reference to a measure of which the House [C]

at present knew nothing. Lord Grosvenor, lord Holland, and lord Caernarvon supported lord Lansdown. Lord Bathurst spoke on the other side.

The motion was rejected by a majority of 42 to 20.

On Thursday the 10th of February, Mr. Goulburn, pursuant to his notice, moved for leave to bring in a bill to amend the acts relating to unlawful societies in Ireland. There were two subsisting acts directed against these associations: the first enacted by the Irish parliament in the year 1793, commonly called the Convention act; and the other was that which had been passed in 1823 against Orange societies, and Orange processions. The act of 1793 prohibited all assemblies for the appointment or election of deputies, or which assumed in any manner the right of representing the people of that country. The Catholic Association contrived to evade both laws; and the object of the proposed enactments was, to put a stop to the mischievous operations of that body. To shew the necessity of the interference of parliament, Mr. Goulburn entered into an examination of the character, constitution, and conduct of the Association. The Catholic Association began to act in 1823; and in its first report declared, that its object was confined to the furtherance of the question of the Roman Catholic claims. Whether its object was still limited to that question, or whether, as was avowed in their debates, it embraced reform in parliament, and eventual separation from England, was for the present a question of no importance; for it mattered not that the object was inoffensive, if the means of carrying that object into effect were incom

patible with good government. The Association, though a public body, had this peculiarity-that all the members were of one mind. There was no competition of opinion: no opposing voice was heard. Every speech was previously arranged, and every decision was unanimous. Under different circumstances the fickleness of the multitude might operate as a check to the probable evil results of such an association; but this self-elected body was under no control, and continued to act without resorting elsewhere for extraneous advice, or receiving any fresh accession of authority from the people. Unfortunately, those whose duty it was to impart religious consolation, not only encouraged, but assumed a part of its powers. Next, in upholding that Association were to be found men of disappointed ambition and considerable talents, who exerted themselves in exciting the public feeling against the government; and in inflaming the population against the laws, and against what they described to be a prodigal and corrupt administration of them. surviving members of the committee of 1793—that very committee against which the Convention act was passed, were now enlisted with the Association; and there were found also in its ranks men, who had been the familiar friends of those traitors of old times-the Tones, Russells, and Emmetts, who had been put down only by military force. It was no doubt true that, in the Association, were to be found also a great proportion of the Roman Catholic gentry and aristocracy: but such a connection was not altogether voluntary on their part; and a great number of that class we.e as much alarmed at the proceedings of the Association

The