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Master to go forth and disciple the nations. What can fill the mind of an impressible Christian student with a more noble life-purpose than the study of the lives of the great leaders of the Church in every land. What can better fit him to become a wise and courageous guide of the Church in the midst of the seductions and perils of heathenism than to become acquainted with the history of such seductions and perils in other lands and in other ages?

Theological students should of course be trained in the art of preaching. Their foreign professor will hardly teach them to imitate the stiff aud formal style of sermon division which was common in the Western pulpit a generation ago, but they must be taught to discover and regard the logical relations and order of thought. Above all they must be taught to feed the Church with vital Christian truth and not with the dead platitudes of Confucian ethics, and to illustrate Christian virtues from the lives of holy men in the past history of the Church and not from the lives of Confucian sages and superior men.

The foreign professor must carefully guard against the danger of denationalizing his pupils, of fitting them for the pastoral charge of a Church in England or America rather than to live in contact with heathenism and to gather out of heathenism the material for a living, aggressive native Church.

The above is a rapid and imperfect sketch of the range of theological studies which-as it seems to the writer-would best fit young men for the responsible work of the Christian ministry in China.

Of course the highest education is that of the heart and not of the head, but the intellect, and affections, and will, are all united in the one personality, and Christian truth is not only adapted to inspire and enlarge the intellect but to purify and deepen the affections and to strengthen and fix the will in high and holy purposes. We are leaders of the Church of Christ in China in its formative, its most impressible period. The young men of the Church whose lives are brought into contact with our lives for a long period of years not only drink in our thoughts but are moulded by our characters. What we are to them they will be in a good degree to the native Church in their future life-work. O, that not one color of the beautiful, composite white-light of the life of Christ may be broken or lost as it is reflected from our lives upon the minds and hearts of the future leaders of the Church in China that filled with wisdom, and patience, and courage, and zeal, and love, and hope, they may be mighty through Christ to cast down the strongholds of Satan and to build on broad and deep foundations the glorious temple of God.

Tungcho, China, Nov. 3rd., 1893.

The Other Side.

BY REV. J. E. WALKER.

[American Board's Mission.]

UR anti-Chinese legislation seems to be getting us little honor, and one would suppose that good, loyal Americans would be content with a fair statement of the case, and not go out of their way to make it out worse than it really is. Yet a prominent American, while waiving all discussion of the propriety of restrictive legislation, comes down with all his weight on the registration feature of the Geary law. But the propriety of restricting the ingress of the Chinese into the United States lies at the bottom of the whole question. Either we must give them unlimited right to enter, or else we must employ methods of restriction which will be effective. Just here is where the Geary law comes in. Bogus certificates were being issued at Hongkong, 500 to 1000 a month. Those who feared or failed to secure these were going in large numbers to Canada to cross the border, Canada getting the $40 entrance fee and United States getting the Chinaman: while others still came in by way of Mexico. There is also only too good reason to suspect that bribery of U. S. Custom officials was extensively practised. It is a moderate estimate that at the time of the adoption of the Geary law one-third of the Chinese in U. S. were there in violation of previous laws. Either then the law must be suffered to become a dead letter, or there must be some more effective means and methods of identifying those legally entitled to residence in the country. Hence the Geary law. They must prove their right to residence by the testimony of some white man; they must be photographed and be registered. Designing hoodlums might now and then take advantage of the provisions of such a law to worry a Chinaman, but then we must remember that the Chinese themselves have been taking wholesale advantage of the milder provisions of former laws. The fact is that the increasing strictness and severity of our anti-coolie legislation has been induced by the persistent and wholesale evasion of more lenient laws. The Chinese on the Pacific Slope rather liked our first restrictive legislation; it raised the price of Chinese labor, and when any one of them wished a brother or "cousin" to come to America the law was easily evaded. But there is quite a numerous body of citizens on the Pacific Slope who, while condemning all cruelty and violence to the Chinese, think them an injury to the country, and desire their gradual elimina

tion. They intend to treat them well, and do not wish to drive them out, but would give them abundant liberty to go and come, and so manage the time and manner of their final departure, each one for himself, as to suffer no damage. But it soon became apparent that the Chinese were not thinning out to any great extent; in fact it was plain that widespread evasion of the law was continually going on. But if the Geary law is enforced there will be tight squeezing for thousands of Chinamen. It can hardly be doubted that the Six Companies are all deeply involved in this widespread evasion of the law, and its enforcement would make bad work for them. No wonder they have tried to unite all the Chinese in the country in a wholesale universal violation of the Geary law. Its strict and thorough enforcement would be ruinous to them.

Furthermore, it has been proven on the Pacific Slope that a Chinaman's testimony is utterly unreliable, and that a Christian oath is of no value in restraining him from false witness. If Chinese testimony is to be taken the law will be evaded as widely as ever, or else we must set up idol shrines and swear the Chinese by their own heathen oaths. There may be Christians on the Atlantic Slope so liberal as to do this, but there are not many such on the Pacific Coast. So I repeat it, the whole question turns on the propriety of restricting the ingress of the Chinese. If we are justified in this then we are justified in passing and enforcing laws that will be strict enough and severe enough to be effective. We must either give them unlimited ingress, or else deal with them according to their own mendacity and crookedness.

Many white men immigrated from the South to the Pacific Slope to get away from competition with Negro slave labor; is it strange that they should kick when California began to be overrun with cheap Chinese labor?

It is a favorite assertion in the Eastern States that our antiChinese legislation is all a catering to political demagogues and sand-lot orators. But when Col. Denby was on his way out to China he spent some time in California investigating the Chinese problem. He reported that with the exception of one distiller of brandy he found no one who would publicly advocate Chinese immigration. Whether rightly or wrongly, on the Pacific Slope, and more especially in California, the desire to be rid of the Chinese is very prevalent. If they were once out of the way their place would soon be taken by immigrants of our own race. The change might not be so beneficial as many imagine; we always overestimate present evils when comparing them with remoter ones. But the white immigrant, moving West to better his condition, soon learns to steer clear of those regions where Chinese labor abounds; for unless

he has sufficient capital to be an employer from the start, if he went to such a place he might have to begin on a level with the Chinese. This he will not do. It is easy to call him proud, clannish, etc., but just put yourself in his place. What missionary is there in China who does not as a matter of stern necessity practice more or less exclusion toward the Chinese. With their present manners, morals and ways there is no help for it. The Public Garden at Shanghai is open to all nationalities except the Chinese. But these, high and low, rich and poor, are all excluded, except ah-mas in charge of foreign children and Chinese workmen employed to care for the gardens. This seems hard, but to open the premises to the Chinese would be to rob them of all value to most foreigners, and to let in the better class of Chinamen would probably be the beginning of an endless fight to prevent encroachment and evasion by all classes. Ten odd years ago I was visiting in Lexington, Mass. (a spot sacred to liberty) and was told that no Irishman could purchase land in that neighborhood; the whole community was determined to keep them out. About the same time a gentleman in Boston remarked to me that Californians were anxions to get rid of the Chinese, but if they were once gone, no doubt, they would be glad to get them back again.' I replied, 'Yes, it is just about as it is with the Irish in New England. Folks wish they were rid of them, but if they were gone they would soon want them back again.' He answered, I guess New England could get along without the Irish.' 'Just so,' I replied, 'Californians think they can get along without the Chinese.' The fact is that the ingress of the Chinese in such numbers has thrust on the people of the Pacific Slope a difficult, yes, a dirty, problem. What ought to be done is to marshal the whole Christian Church for the work of evangelizing them, and then let all come that will. This would prove in the long run the kindest, the cheapest and the surest solution of the problem. For the conversion of China is the only ultimate solution, and until she is both materially and morally on a level with us the problem will keep turning up in some form or other. But there is scant prospect of any such thing being done at present. We ourselves are by no means good enough for it. Neither are we bad enough for so harsh a policy as seems necessary to many Western men, if they are to be thoroughly restricted in their ingress. Hence I suppose we shall go puttering and blundering along in the future as we have in the past, with little honor or profit to ourselves.

As an instance of how the presence of the Chinese keeps out other immigration a company of young women went to California to work and better their condition, but when they got there they found all

such places as they were capable of filling occupied by Chinamen, and so out of work, out of money, without friends and surrounded by temptation they all, with one exception, drifted into houses of illfame. My informant told me that he had this direct from the one who escaped the fate of the rest of her company. Under such conditions is it strange that good white servants cannot be hired in many parts of California, or that good citizens, and even Church. members not well endowed with Christian heroism, should join in the cry that the Chinese must go. So long as Eastern people write in ignorance or contempt of such facts as these so long will they have little influence with people on the Pacific Slope.

There is a complaint on the Pacific Coast that white servant girls are too impertinent, and there is truth in the complaint. But their impertinence is partly due to sensitiveness, lest they be treated as menials, because they work in competition with Chinese servants. This competition drives away the more timid and sensitive and incites the rest to super-self-assertiveness.

It is said that since we began this anti-Chinese legislation our trade with China has greatly fallen off. This complaint comes not from San Francisco, where the chief offenders reside, but from New York, and is mainly due not to Chinese retaliation but to the depreciation of silver, which is becoming an awful incubus on all export trade to China. It is stated that China has laid an embargo on American kerosene. If this is true, it still may not be done in retaliation. Kerosene has been prohibited more than once at Foochow, and its importation up the Min entirely stopped for a time, but this was done ostensibly, because its use increased the number of fires: but it is surmised that its injuring the sale of native oils by its cheapness had much to do with the prohibition. But if it is done in retaliation it strikes not the Far West, where all the opposition to the Chinese centers, but the East, where all are taking their part. If it were flour and lumber that would hit the Pacific Coast a hard blow. The Six Companies must be the prime movers in whatever is done by the Chinese, but they themselves are deeply interested in the flour and lumber trade, and besides this, if they struck at this it would only intensify Western hostility, but a blow at the kerosene trade, they may well infer from the tone of Eastern papers, would intensify the Eastern opposition to our anti-Chinese laws. The prohibition of American kerosene would be a fine bit of Chinese shrewdness.

I do not think much of our Chinese legislation. The wheel horses in the movement have been not the better but the worse elements of society on the Pacific Slope; these have been the moving spirit in it and have stamped it with their own coarseness

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