Landing of the Pilgrims, the Discovery of the Mississippi by De Soto, the Declaration of Independence, the Surrender of Lord Cornwallis, or the Path of Empire, by Leutze-none of these marked such a transformation or emphasized such an idea as that conflict between the types of a vanishing prejudice and a vindicated principle. Mr. Stephens, the Vice-President of the Confederacy, of which slavery was the corner-stone, spoke January 6, 1874, and Mr. Elliott, the colored champion of the liberated race, followed him the next day. I give extracts from the two speeches; but I cannot describe the House when the two men addressed it, especially when the African answered the Caucasian. Here we have a new history-a history that may, indeed, be repeated, but which stands alone in the novelty of all its surroundings, and in the eloquence of all its lessons:

MR. STEPHENS, JANUARY 6, 1874.

"It is not my purpose at this time even to touch upon any of the issues involved in the late war, or the chief proximate cause which led to it, or upon whom devolves the responsibility for its dire consequences. But, taking it for granted that the chief proximate cause was the status of the African race in the Southern States as set forth in the decision of the Supreme Court to which I have just referred, suffice it to say on this occasion that that cause is now forever removed. This thorn in the flesh, so long the cause of irritation between the States, is now out for all time to come. And since the passions and prejudices which attended the conflict are fast subsiding and passing away, the period has now come for the descendants of a common ancestry, in all the States and sections of the country, to return to the original principles of their fathers, with the hopeful prospect of a higher and brighter career in the future than any heretofore achieved in the past. On such return depend, in my judgment, not only the liberties of the white and colored races of this continent, but the best hopes of mankind.

And if any breach has been made in any of the walls of the Constitution in the terrible shock it received in the late most lamentable conflict of arms, let it be repaired by appeals to the forums of reason and justice, wherein, after all, rest the surest hopes of all true progress in human civilization. If, 'in moments of error or alarm,' we have 'wandered' in any degree from the true principles on which all our institutions were founded, in the language of Thomas Jefferson, 'let us hasten to retrace our steps and regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty, and safety!'

"This I say, in all earnestness, to the members of this House from all sections of the Union-South, East, West, and North; and especially to those who bear the party name of Republican. If you, Mr. Speaker, and your political associates be really and truly of the old republican school, then be first and foremost to rally in the support of the principles of the great chief who organized that party to rescue the Federal Government from centralization in one of the most dangerous periods of its history, and under the auspices of whose doctrines, when the rescue was accomplished, the country was so happy, prosperous, and glorious for sixty years of its existence. If you do not, be assured your opponents will rally again under the banner of their ancient creed, and seize it from the hands of those who profess it by name, but reject it by their acts'That keep the word of promise to our ear, And break it to our hope.'

"Excuse me, sir; please pardon something to an ardent nature. The dawn of a new epoch in politics is upon us. There will soon be a breaking-up of the elements of present party organizations. The great and vital issue between constitutionalism and centralism must soon be directly met by the people of the States. Seven tenths of the people of the United States, in my judgment, are to-day as true to the principles of liberty on which the Federal Constitution was founded as were their an

cestors, who, in 1787, perfected its matchless and majestic structure. They are as much opposed to centralization and empire, and the necessary consequence-ultimate absolutism and despotism-as the men of 1776 were. All that this immense majority now want for concert and co-operation are young and vigorous leaders, thoroughly in earnest, as well as thoroughly imbued with the importance and sacredness of the cause. Nothing will hasten action in this direction more than the passage by Congress of this bill, or any like it, because its unnecessary and irritating effects will strike chords which will awaken opposition in every State of the Union, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and from the Lakes to the Gulf.”

MR. ELLIOTT, JANUARY 7, 1874.

"Now, sir, recurring to the venerable and distinguished gentleman from Georgia [Mr. Stephens], who has added his remonstrance against the passage of this bill, permit me to say that I share in the feeling of high personal regard for that gentleman which pervades this House. His years, his ability, and his long experience in public affairs entitle him to the measure of consideration which has been accorded to him on this floor. But in this discussion I cannot, and I will not, forget that the welfare and rights of my whole race in this country are involved. When, therefore, the honorable gentleman from Georgia lends his voice and influence to defeat this measure, I do not shrink from saying that it is not from him that the American House of Representatives should take lessons in matters touching human rights or the joint relations of the State and National governments. While the honorable gentleman contented himself with harmless speculations in his study, or in the columns of a newspaper, we might well smile at the impotence of his efforts to turn back the advancing tide of opinion and progress; but when he comes again upon this national arena, and throws himself with all his power and influence across the path which leads

to the full enfranchisement of my race, I meet him only as an adversary; nor shall age or any other consideration restrain me from saying that he now offers this Government, which he has done his utmost to destroy, a very poor return for its magnanimous treatment, to come here and seek to continue, by the assertion of doctrines obnoxious to the true principles of our Government, the burdens and oppressions which rest upon five millions of his countrymen who never failed to lift their earnest prayers for the success of this Government when the gentleman was seeking to break up the Union of these States and to blot the American Republic from the galaxy of nations. [Loud applause.]

"Sir, it is scarcely twelve years since that gentleman shocked the civilized world by announcing the birth of a government which rested on human slavery as its corner-stone. The progress of events has swept away that pseudo-government which rested on greed, pride, and tyranny; and the race whom he then ruthlessly spurned and trampled on are here to meet him in debate, and to demand that the rights which are enjoyed by their former oppressors-who vainly sought to overthrow a government which they could not prostitute to the base uses of slavery-shall be accorded to those who even in the darkness of slavery kept their allegiance true to freedom and the Union. Sir, the gentleman from Georgia has learned much since 1861, but he is still a laggard. Let him put away entirely the false and fatal theories which have so greatly marred an otherwise enviable record. Let him accept, in its fulness and beneficence, the great doctrine that American citizenship carries with it every civil and political right which manhood can confer. Let him lend his influence, with all his masterly ability, to complete the proud structure of legislation which makes this nation worthy of the great Declaration which heralded its birth, and he will have done that which will most nearly redeem his reputation in the eyes of the world, and best vindi

cate the wisdom of that policy which has permitted him to regain his seat upon this floor.

"The results of the war, as seen in reconstruction, have settled forever the political status of my race. The passage of this bill will determine the civil status, not only of the negro, but of any other class of citizens who may feel themselves discriminated against. It will form the capstone of that temple of liberty, begun on this continent under discouraging circumstances, carried on in spite of the sneers of monarchists and the cavils of pretended friends of freedom, until at last it stands in all its beautiful symmetry and proportions a building the grandest which the world has ever seen, realizing the most sanguine expectations and the highest hopes of those who, in the name of equal, impartial, and universal liberty, laid the foundation stones.

"The Holy Scriptures tell us of an humble handmaiden who long, faithfully, and patiently gleaned in the rich fields of her wealthy kinsman; and we are told, further, that at last, in spite of her humble antecedents, she found complete favor in his sight. For over two centuries our race has 'reaped down your fields.' The cries and woes which we have uttered have 'entered into the ears of the Lord of Sabaoth,' and we are at last politically free. The last vestiture only is needed-civil rights. Having gained this, we may, with hearts overflowing with gratitude, and thankful that our prayer has been granted, repeat the prayer of Ruth: 'Entreat me not to leave thee, or to return from following after thee: for whither thou goest, I will go; and where thou lodgest, I will lodge: thy people shall be my people, and thy God my God; where thou diest will I die, and there will I be buried; the Lord do so to me, and more also, if aught but death part thee and me."" [Great applause.]

Mr. Elliott, the last speaker, is a full-blooded black, a native of Boston, Massachusetts, where he was born August 11, 1842.